Neglecting the Mentally Challenged?

In every society, it is unavoidable to have people who are mentally retarded. In fact, mental illness is the commonest ailment in the world, just as it is defined.
However, of disheartening to note is the fact that many people never take into consideration the plight of the mentally challenged. This is so because they are considered a threat and a nuisance to people and some even wish they are gotten rid of by society.
People with mental problems are left to their fate while the unlucky ones are left to roam the streets, scampering for their survival.
In Malawi, the case is no different. Over the years, there have been an increasing number of suspected mentally ill persons roaming in and around the country’s streets and cities.
These mentally ill people are seen hunting for unhealthy food in the country’s rubbish dumps, gutters and some very disgusting places. Sad to note is also the fact some people pelt stones at these patients while they pour all sorts of substances on them. Of even hard to fathom is also the painful truth that some weak-minded individuals rape and molest these mentally challenged persons.
As this is not bad enough, some mentally challenged people are ridiculed at and looked down upon with disdain and contempt. It thus appears that many of their inalienable rights are violated and taken for granted.
But why has this been the case in Malawi? Good question. I think there are more factors than one, but chief among the reason is that the government has for many years ignored the plight and welfare of the mentally challenged. Evidenced by lack of strong policies on the mental problem, the government shoulders much blame for overlooking the sufferings of the mentally challenged.
For example, it appears Malawi is still using the Mental Treatment Act of 1989 which I think is archaic and retrogressive. Many things have changed now and the law definitely requires some reviews and amendments so that it suits modern times.
But this is not all.
I think there should also be some complementary policies that should govern the conduct of mental health personnel and also the conduct and responsibility of the general public to the mentally ill. It is clear and loud that the mentally ill are looked at with ridicule and resentment by most people. So the government should come up with means of sensitizing the public on the importance of caring for the mentally challenged.
Another reason why there has been an upsurge of mentally retarded people in the country’s cities and towns is perhaps because the country has one major public mental hospital in Zomba which definitely does not cater for all mental patients in the country. The other major mental hospital is St John of God in Mzuzu, which we gather, is private and definitely not for everyone. What is even more worrisome to note is also the fact that the country has short medical personnel supply and this has aggravated the already worsened situation as this means that many mental patients are not well taken care of.
All these problems point to the fact that the welfare of the mentally challenged is not being well considered and this has led to the rise of mentally challenged to be roaming around the streets.
But, it should be borne in mind that the mentally retarded deserve some form of rights because they being vulnerable and incapacitated do not exempt them from enjoying the rights they deserve. They need more rights and a better environment to leave just like any other normal human being.
More and better mental hospitals and with better facilities, are therefore needed to make their life better. Furthermore, the government should formulate strict laws to safeguard their rights and additionally, it should also put in place policies to ensure that the mentally challenged are given the care and treatment they deserve.
It is also the duty of the Ministry of Information and Civic Education to sensitize the general public on the importance of respecting the rights of the mentally challenged. Good health is of vital importance to the development of any country and the present plight of the mentally challenged is not something the country should be proud of. It sucks.

Fighting HIV/AIDS amid Myths

Last week, Malawi joined the rest of the world in commemorating the World Aids Day which falls on December 1 every year. And speaking at the launch of the commemorations at Dowa Secondary School ground, President Bingu wa Mutharika said, and it is true, that Malawi is winning the fight against HIV/AIDS.
“We are winning the fight because the number of infections is declining…I expect this pandemic to end,” Mutharika said with an aura of conviction.
From the president’s speech, one could notice the desire, hope and zeal simmering in a leader wanting to catapult the nation into the world’s most comfortable zone. Surely, every well meaning Malawian would like to see Malawi winning the battle against HIV/AIDS.
But, it appears despite the commitments from government to put this deadly pandemic to a grinding halt, some people are still putting spanners in the war against HIV/AIDS.
For example, it is very sad and unfortunate that some people up to now still believe that HIV/AIDS can be transmitted and cured through some superstitious ways. Ever since the first case of HIV infection was reported in Malawi in 1985, some Malawians have struggled to shake off some myths on HIV/AIDS.
For instance, some people still believe that they can be cured of AIDS if they sleep with their blood relatives and more shameful with their children. This has resulted in the spread of HIV/AIDS to innocent lives and it is actually derailing the fight against the pandemic.
Even more moving to learn is also that some people are deluded into thinking that they are going to be cleansed of the virus if they use concoctions made from bodies of the challenged people like albinos and the mentally retarded. They thus end up harming the bodies of these people in a desperate attempt to save their lives.
Another shocking myth is that of engaging in bestiality to get rid of the deadly virus. The Malawian media has on several occasions reported on bestiality acts by some people across the country. When quizzed to explain their motives, these people, without batting an eyelid, say they wanted to get cured of HIV/AIDS. What a pity. What is the connection between getting cleansed of the virus and sleeping with animals? One would really be tempted to ask.
It appears therefore that some Malawians don’t want to believe that up until today there is no cure for HIV/AIDS and the only drugs that are available for Aids are the anti-retro viral drugs which unfortunately cannot cure Aids but just prolong the lives of those people living with the virus.
Obviously, this is why we hear time and again some herbalists claiming that they have found some concoctions, which they say, can cure Aids. In Machinga, for example, there was one Mr. Chisupe who drew much hullabaloo and popularity in the 90s with his famous ‘Mchape’ drug. Memories are still fresh of how people drove from far-flung corners of Malawi to be given a dosage of the concoction.
Then came Mr. George Kumbuyo from Mulanje with his Chambe drug and just recently we have heard a certain woman in Mangochi also claiming that she has found a cure for Aids. And sad to note is also the fact that many people are trekking to this woman hoping to get cured of the disease despite authorities proving that the drug does not cure Aids, as people given the drug are still HIV positive. Very sad indeed!
But, who is to blame? Obviously, the
herbalists are to blame for wanting to make money by cheating people that they have found the Aids cure. But I also think it boils down to the question of acceptance of ones HIV status. Many Malawians, it seems, don’t want to accept their HIV status after testing positive. They thus end up believing some senseless myths that result in the spread of the disease thereby undermining the government’s effort of reducing HIV transmission.
Perhaps it is now time that Malawians realized that being HIV positive does not mean the end of ones life. Elsewhere, in South Africa, for example, which has one of the highest HIV prevalence rates in the world, many people after testing positive, accept their results and continue to live positively with their lives and end up living longer than expected. These HIV/AIDS myths will lead us nowhere!

Is the Government justified to formulate a Sex Worker’s Bill?

Recent media reports pointing that the government intends to come up with a Sex Worker’s Bill with an aim of protecting sex workers in the country, shocked quite a few of us. Already, many questions have been raised than answers.
At the outset, to say that prostitution is not happening in the country is to be disingenuous. Nowadays, it is commonplace to find sex workers in many country’s roads and entertainment centres. Of even more painful to note is that a majority of sex workers who ply their trade in these places are girls who are in their adolescent stage. This paints a gloomy picture of this country’s future.
At a time when the HIV/AIDS scourge is ravaging a lot of Malawians, it is sad that many women are still selling their bodies at the expense of their lives. However, as old wisdom holds that it takes two to tango, it is also very unfortunate that while HIV/AIDS messages are now on the lips of almost every Malawian, many men are shoving their precious lives to fate by hooking up with these sex workers.
Granted, there are protective measures of avoiding the contraction of the deadly virus such as the use of condoms, but if other recent reports coming from the National Aids Commission (Nac) are anything to go by, Malawians should shudder to come to terms with these facts.
According to Bernard Malango, NAC Board Chairperson, condom use in Malawi is just only about 50 per cent. What this essentially means is that half the population of Malawians, who engage in sexual behaviour, do not use condoms. Surely, one can safely argue that many sex workers also throw condoms to the wind.
So, while the government plans to come up with a Sex Worker’s Bill with an aim of removing sex workers out of the streets sound a good idea on face value, it will not arrest the problem of HIV infection and transmission among sex workers. In fact, there are huge problems associated with the whole sound of the intended Bill.
Firstly, remarks coming from Minister of Gender, Child and Community Development, Patricia Kaliati that this Bill plans to make these sex workers operate from homes in stead of streets, begs the question; how is this different from legalizing prostitution?
It does not actually make sense for government to come up with a Bill to allow sex workers to ply their trade in homes, while prohibiting them to operate in the streets. In fact, by allowing them to operate in homes, is the same as legalizing prostitution.
It should also be noted that many sex workers operate in the streets and other entertainment centres largely because they are cognizant of the fact that these are the places that their clients often loiter and harbour. So, saying that they should operate from their homes is almost impossible and in the end they will still be coming back to the streets for their markets.
Remember the issue of street vending which is refusing to be brought to a halt in the country’s cities and towns.
So, one wonders how the government is going to regulate sex work which is mainly a nocturnal activity when it has arguably failed to curb street vending in broad day lights?
Furthermore, while the government innocuously intends to protect the rights of sex workers who are oftentimes abused by their clients, it, at the same time, blinks the fact that sex workers sometimes also infringe the rights of their clients. For example, they violate the right to life of their clients if they conduct their business with the full knowledge of their HIV positive status.
Of course, Malawi is a democratic country, where the enjoyment of inalienable rights is the hallmark, but by protecting the rights of the sex workers, it is like the government is contradicting itself since the Penal Code is clear on all those people who transmit dangerous diseases intentionally to others.
And, it appears HIV infection rates are appallingly higher among sex workers. Recently, Secretary for HIV/AIDS and Nutrition in the Office of the President and Cabinet, Dr. Mary Shawa, was quoted in one of the local papers as saying that the infection rates of HIV among sex workers are as high as 70 and 80 per cent. Surely, one can argue that it is therefore activities like prostitution that are reversing the fight against HIV/AIDS.
So, coming up with a Bill to protect these sex workers will have devastating consequences on many Malawians. It will mean that government has approved this illegal and immoral activity to be taking place in underground and hidden places. And many sex workers will be doing their activities without looking over their shoulders thereby opening the floodgates to prostitution. Actually, by approving underground prostitution, the government is giving a nod for sex workers to go on rampage and spread HIV/AIDS.
Moreover, it should be noted that prostitution is on the increase mainly because of poverty. Sex workers indulge in this illicit activity largely because they want to escape from the life of penury that is constantly on their backs. For example, HIV/AIDS has claimed a lot of Malawian lives and as a consequence, this has made a lot of children to be orphans. This has therefore resulted in the increase of young sex workers who have taken prostitution as their means of survival.
So, it is going to be difficult to arrest the problem of prostitution in the streets since many sex workers sell their bodies because they want to earn a living out of it.
All these problems point to the fact that coming up with a Sex Workers Bill with an aim of making prostitution to be done in homes in stead of streets, will not be a solution to the problem of prostitution. To the contrary, this will aggravate the already worsen situation of prostitution in the country since sex workers will be engaging in their activities without fearing to be caught on the wrong side of the law.
It should also be noted that protecting sex workers from different sorts of abuse, can only be possible if the government legalise prostitution. Let’s be more reasonable here; how is the government going to be protecting sex workers when there is clause in the country’s laws that stipulate that prostitution, in every sense of the word, is illegal? Simply put, formulating a Sex Workers Bill will be a great stride towards the legalisation of prostitution in the country.
In my view, the solution to prostitution in the country does not lie in making them perform their unfathomable activities in homes instead of streets but strengthening the already existing laws by arresting and bringing to book all sex workers who are found loitering in every corner of this country. It is therefore unfortunate and disheartening to learn that some police officers when they find these sex workers in the streets, demand sex as a bribe instead of arresting them. Surely, this should change if prostitution is to be brought to a grinding halt .Rooting out prostitution in the country will require a holistic approach not just quick fix solutions.


This article appeared in the Sunday Times as an OP-Ed. I wrote the Opinion Debate with my friend and classmate Fletcher Bokelukamba Simwaka. However, I have posted my article only because I couldnt find Fletcher's article.

AN APPRAISAL OF ZIMBABWE’S ECONOMIC PERFOMANCE: ISSUES, PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS

Zimbabwe, a landlocked country in Southern Africa, has passed through peaks and troughs of performance and effectiveness since the dawn of colonialism and provides an interesting case study for the Southern African region. The country, once described as the breadbasket of Africa, is now passing through a critical economic malaise largely due to poor economic policies and bad political leadership. Zimbabwe’s economy is in ruins with hyperinflation and unemployment at around 80 per cent (BBC, 2009). Millions of Zimbabweans are in dire need of food and the country’s infrastructures and institutions are in shambles. This is not all; a majority of adult population is unemployed and owing to this, many Zimbabweans have fled Zimbabwe in search for a new lease of life. Zimbabwe’s children are blighted by the highest mortality, malnourishment and stunted growth of all sub-Saharan region countries (ibid). Cases of HIV/AIDS, tuberculosis and other deadly diseases are not uncommon. Over and above, poverty in Zimbabwe remains considerably high and pervasive and millions of Zimbabweans continue to live lives of deprivation and hardship just to clinch it all.

The purpose of this paper is to discuss the economic performance of Zimbabwe. However, it is important to appreciate the fact that any attempt to grasp the economic performance of Zimbabwe has to be situated and analysed within the overall history of the country’s economy since independence and even beyond. However, for the purposes of this discussion, this essay, among other things, offers a brief political and economic history of Zimbabwe. Furthermore, it outlines the rationale for the economic policies Zimbabwe has pursued over the years and the peculiarity about this country’s economic policies. Additionally, the essay compares Zimbabwe’s economic performance with other few countries in the Southern Africa region. Finally, this essay points out the general challenges and opportunities Zimbabwe is currently facing.

THE POLITICAL HISTORY OF ZIMBABWE
According to World Book Encyclopedia (2001:596), “Zimbabwe has had a troubled political history.” Zimbabwe, formerly called Southern Rhodesia was the former British colony which became an independent Republic on 18th April 1980 after a prolonged war of liberation. The head of state since independence has been Robert Mugabe, leader of the ruling ZANU-PF party (Sichone, 2003:1). However, the political history of Zimbabwe dates back to the 1400s when there was a branch of the Shona called the Karanga which established the Mwanamutapa Empire which included most land of what is now called Zimbabwe. Since Zimbabwe is endowed with vast amount of minerals such as gold, many Europeans especially the British came to occupy Zimbabwe hence that was the beginning of colonialism. In 1897, the Britain recognized Southern and Northern Rhodesia as separate entities.

In 1953, the Britain set up the federation of Rhodesia and Nyasaland which was later dissolved in 1963 (Hazzlewood, 1967:228). In 1964, Nyasaland and Northern Rhodesia became independent while Zimbabwe (Southern Rhodesia) did not. As a consequence, a prolonged fighting between black Zimbabweans and white rulers broke up as many black Zimbabweans started clamouring for independence. In 1979, due to outside and internal pressure, the then prime minister of Zimbabwe Ian Smith began to cede some level of authority to the blacks. Finally, the whites succumbed to calls of independence and an election was held in 1979 which resulted in a government with a majority of black leaders and Abel Muzorewa became the first black Prime Minister (WBE, 2001:597).

However, there were some misunderstanding with the way these elections were held and as a result another election was held in 1980 which saw the Zimbabwe African National Union Patriotic Front (ZANU-PF) claiming a landslide victory (Mandoza, 1986:84). Since the ZANU-PF accumulated many parliamentary seats, its leader, Robert Mugabe, was automatically elected Prime Minister of Zimbabwe. And as already stated, Britain granted independence to Zimbabwe on April 18, 1980 and because of this many whites returned home. After five years, another set of elections were also held and Mugabe returned his position. However, in 1987, the office of the Prime Minister was replaced by the office of the president as the highest government post (ibid).

Since 1980, Mugabe has ruled Zimbabwe but his reign has been marred by many political bickering, violence and tension coupled with a dwindling economic performance. For example, the opposition parties have always disputed the elections that happen in the Zimbabwe as undemocratic. This has especially been true as evidenced by the disputed elections in March 2002 and the recently conducted elections. Led by main opposition leader, Morgan Tsvangirai, the opposition has always taken a swipe at Mugabe’s leadership but this has yielded no fruitful results. Perhaps, after seeing that Mugabe is taking more time to retire than expected and wanted, Tsvangirai has now joined a government of national unity with Mugabe with an aim of restoring the old glory that Zimbabwe used to take delight. However, the problems faced by Zimbabwe still remain large and growing.

THE ECONOMIC HISTORY OF ZIMBABWE
The economic history of Zimbabwe is as old as the country’s history itself. As already mentioned, many whites started to trek to Zimbabwe after discovering that it offered an enormous potential for economic development with her minerals. Zimbabwe is an important producer of coal, gold, nickel and other valuable minerals. Perhaps mention must be made here that Zimbabwe was also used as an administrative capital for the federation. This offered Zimbabwe a huge opportunity to prosper since other countries were being used as labour reserves for her. Since time immemorial, commercial agriculture has been the backbone of Zimbabwe’s economy. Furthermore, the agriculture sector is the largest employer in Zimbabwe. The country’s chief agricultural exports include beef, coffee, tea, flower, vegetables, fruits, corn and tobacco. It should also be noted that the manufacturing sector in Zimbabwe is amongst Africa’s largest (Gibbon, 1995: 18).

The economic history of Zimbabwe began with the transition to majority rule in 1980 and Britain's ceremonial granting of independence. The new government under Prime Minister Robert Mugabe promoted socialism, partially relying on international aid. The new regime inherited one of the most structurally developed economies and effective state systems in Africa (Hazzlewood, 1967:284). Initially the government followed a corporatist model with government management of the economy maintaining policies first instituted by the previous government to deal with UN-sanctions imposed in 1965. The state already had ownership of utilities and agricultural marketing agencies. The new government added to this by buying out more private companies. The government also extended existing protectionist policies. Throughout the 1980s, the economy performed extremely well which led the Central government expenditure to triple and increase its share from 32.5 percent of GDP in 1979 to 44.6% in 1989 (ibid).
However, this did not last long because the economy nosedived after 1989 due to a number of reasons and this led to the adoption of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes (ESAP). Generally, these measures were inter alia intended to improve resource allocation, increase efficiency, expand growth potential and enhance resilience shocks (World Bank, 1994:267). However, despite these reforms, the Zimbabwe’s economic blues continued during the 1990s. Perhaps, this was due to (1992, 1993, and 1995) droughts which heavily impacted on agriculture. Other factors such as the 1998 Mugabe's intervention in the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo (Kinshasa)—purportedly to protect his personal investments—resulted in suspension of international economic aid for Zimbabwe. This suspension of aid and the millions of dollars spent to intervene in the war further weakened Zimbabwe's already troubled economy.
Zimbabwe's economy continued to consistently shrink upon entering the new millennium, in an atmosphere of political turmoil coupled with capital flight and mismanagement. Inflation had spiraled out of control and the underpinnings of the economy in agriculture and industry had been dissipated. Furthermore, the law which was passed in may 2000 to allow the seizure of almost all white-owned commercial farms without compensation further aggravated the situation. To date, the economy has continued to plunge largely due to poor political and economic leadership.

THE ECONOMIC POLICIES ZIMBABWE HAS PURSUED OVER THE YEARS
According to Gibbon (1995:7), “Zimbabwe’s social and economic policies can be grouped into four main phases in post-colonial era.” The first, from independence to 1982 was accompanied by an economic boom and characterized by twin phenomena of the adoption of redistributive policies and a high level of mutual suspicion between government and capital (ibid). A second phase, from 1982 to around 1986, contained two major economic recessions, a check on redistributive policies and continuing cool relations between government and capital. The third, dating from 1986 to 1990 involved the resumption of a degree of economic growth and the downplaying of redistribution. The fourth, that of structural adjustment began in 1990 and has been marked by a very severe drought and economic contraction, an implicit rejection of redistributivism and liberal economic policies. The Structural Adjustment Programmes (SAPs) included among other things, removal of price and wage controls, reduction of government expenditure, a 40 per cent devaluation of Zimbabwean Dollar, removal of subsidies on basic consumer goods, a radical restructuring of various parastatals and other public enterprises (Sichone, 2003:1). The aim of SAPS was to correct unsustainable disequilibrium in the balance of payments.

However, with these economic policies, Zimbabwe is still characterized by a restrictive trade regime, particularly on the capital account (http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/2/55/11978664.pdf). Furthermore, the economy has continued to slump mainly because of Zimbabwe’s unique policies. Firstly, it should be noted that the government in Zimbabwe espoused a socialist ideology, similar to the African socialism which had been adopted by majority governments in most of the continent's ex-colonies. As a result of adopting this ideology, the two major aims of the ZANU-PF's economic policies were growth and redistribution of resources. In attempting to spur growth of the economy, the plan was to redistribute wealth, both public and private, from the minority of whites controlling the economy to majority of blacks that made up the population. In theory the policies made sense. However, these policies had serious implications as several white settlers started to walk out of Zimbabwe and their enterprises collapsed.

ECONOMIC PERFOMANCE FROM 1995 TO PRESENT
This section reviews Zimbabwe’s macro-economic performance and its economic structure since 1995. This essay uses two neighbouring countries, South Africa and Zambia, as comparators of Zimbabwe. Zambia provides a direct comparison while South Africa represents a regional standard that Zimbabwe should aspire to achieve. In addition, Zimbabwe’s economic performance has been compared with other low-income countries in the SADC region.

It is important to note that the economy of Zimbabwe has plummeted over the past years. The crisis has been largely attributed to economic mismanagement, poor governance, and loss of support from the international community, all compounded by periods of drought. The collapse was triggered by the government’s decision in 1997 to ignore fiscal constraints in making large payments to veterans of the Independence struggle. Then, in the wake of political setbacks in 1998, the government announced the seizure of white-owned farms, which exacerbated the instability .Another pivotal event, was the controversial Fast Track Land Reform scheme for involuntary land redistribution in 2000, which led to a precipitous decline in productivity and output in agriculture, formerly the mainstay of the economy.

Using the purchasing power parity (PPP) method of calculating the GDP, Zimbabwe’s per capita income in 2006 was $2, 437—a drop of more than 23 per cent since 1998. Furthermore, the GDP declined by 30% from 1998 through 2003, and fell another 5.2% in 2004 (Townsend and Copson, 2005:1). In an economy characterized by declining per capita income, hyperinflation, high unemployment, shortages of food, fuel and foreign currency, it is not a surprise that poverty levels are extremely alarming. For example, the 2003 Zimbabwe’s Poverty Assessment estimated that 72 per cent of the population lives below the poverty line. This is 17 per cent point higher than the figure of 1995 which was at 55 per cent. As a point of interest, this was worse than the extremely highest rate of Zambia which was at 68.0 in 2004.

The economic crisis has brought with it severe shortages in food and other necessities. Between 2002 and 2004, an average of 47.0 per cent of the population could not fill their minimum dietary consumption needs. This is due to a combination of an adverse weather conditions, deteriorating irrigation system, and the loss of service sector support in rural areas due to the closure of large-scale commercial farms. According to World Food Programme, more than 4 million Zimbabweans face food shortages today (http:/www.wfp.org/country_brief/indexcountry.asp?country=716).

In summary, the economy of Zimbabwe is in shambles. The harbinger of all the problems has been retrogressive economic and social policies, hyperinflation, and political distress.

ZIMBABWE’S CHALLENGES AND OPPORTUNITIES
That Zimbabwe is in the middle of large and growing challenges cannot be overemphasized. The challenges are serious and many. However, there is a flicker of hope that sooner or later Zimbabwe will be back to its impressive performance. However, this requires a concerted effort on the part of the Zimbabwean government and the donor community.

Perhaps, one major challenge crippling Zimbabwe is political instability. It does not need deep knowledge to sense the link between political stability and economic development. There can never be development in a country where there is political unrest. Sadly, in Zimbabwe, there has been political instability in the country marked by political violence, arrest of opposition politicians, human rights activists, journalists and university students. Furthermore, the elections that have happened in Zimbabwe in recent years have always been disputed as the opposition parties have claimed that they have been rigged. A case in point being the recently conducted elections where the opposition leader Morgan Tsvangirai refused to contest arguing that the elections were marred by violence and intimidation (BBC News, 2009).

In summary, there is no democracy in Zimbabwe and this has been evidenced by the muzzling of the press and the media in general, suppression of Non-Governmental Organisations and the arrest of opposition politicians and supporters. For example, the Zimbabwean government passed the Access to Information and Protection of Privacy Act (AIPPA) and the Public Order and Security Act (POSA) in 2002 and 2003 respectively, which have been used by ZANU-PF to suppress freedom of speech (Townsend and Copson, 2005:3). AIPPA requires that all media services be licensed by the government, and that all journalists, including foreign correspondents, to be officially accredited while POSA prohibits any “abusive, indecent, obscene, or false statement” about the president, and prohibits false statements prejudicial to the state. An interesting case in point being the arrest of opposition politician Roy Bennet who is also the Deputy Minister of Agriculture in the new government of national unity formed by Tsvangirai and Mugabe (BBC News, 2009).

There is also another undemocratic legislation called the Non Governmental Organisation Bill which was passed in July 2004 (Townsend and Copson, 2005:4). The bill prohibits foreign non governmental organizations (NGOs) from operating in Zimbabwe if their principal objectives include issues of governance, which in turn include the promotion and protection of human rights. Domestic NGOs are prohibited from accepting foreign funds for carrying out activities involving issues of governance. All NGOs are required to register with the government, and a council is established with wide powers to investigate and regulate NGOs.

Another major challenge being faced by Zimbabwe is the suspension of foreign developmental aid by the international community. Several international financial institutions such as the International Monetary Fund, World Bank and major donors such as United States of America and the United Kingdom suspended their aid as a result of poor governance and Zimbabwe’s disrespectful of human rights.

Furthermore, HIV/AIDS is also another serious and growing challenge that has beset Zimbabwe. For example, almost 25 per cent of the Zimbabwean adult population is HIV positive (Townsend and Copson, 2005:3). This has resulted in the reduction of life expectancy as several Zimbabweans have been shoved to the grave. Other challenges as already stated in this essay include macro-economic instability, hyperinflation, shortage of fuel and growing poverty and increased inequality.

However, all is not lost. Despite these challenges, the prospects for an economic recovery seem to be there. The economy has recently stabilized perhaps thanks to the formation of the government of national unity between two political rivals, Mugabe and Tsvangirai. Furthermore, it should also be noted that while several governments have been moving to isolate Zimbabwe, Harare has recently found a new lease of life thanks to the strengthening of diplomatic ties with Mainland China. Additionally, the pursuance of other new economic policies, such as the withdrawal of the worthless Zimbabwean Dollar from circulation early this year, is also breathing a new life into the economy which had battled the world’s record beating inflation (use of foreign currency was also legalized) (BBC News, 2009).

Finally, it should be noted that recently the Zimbabwean economy has been projected to grow by 3.7 per cent this year, according to the IMF in its latest edition of the World Economic Outlook published in September 2009 (BBC News, 2009). The report forecast that growth in the Southern African nation’s GDP would accelerate to 6 per cent in 2010 (ibid). Furthermore, consumer inflation would average 9 per cent this year alone and rise to an average of 12 per cent in 2010. The fund further estimates that the country’s current account deficit which is at 21.4 per cent would narrow to 19.9 per cent come next year (ibid).


CONCLUSION
In a nutshell, this essay has analysed the economy of Zimbabwe. It started off by looking at the political and economic history of Zimbabwe and it offered the rationale for the economic policies which were adopted. It further analysed the economic performance from 1995 to the present. This was done by comparing with other countries in the SADC region. Finally, the essay has provided the general challenges and opportunities that Zimbabwe is facing.
























REFERENCES
BBC News (2009). South Africa will not Appeal for Mission to Zimbabwe. The Daily Times, Thursday October 22, 2009
BBC News (2009). IMF Projects Zimbabwe Economy’s Growth. The Daily Times, Friday, October 2, 2009.
BBC News (2009). ZIM’s Unity Government Stalls. The Daily Times, Tuesday, October 6, 2009.
Gibbon, P (1995). Structural Adjustment and the Working Poor in Zimbabwe. Nordiska
Afrikainstituet, Uppsala.
Hazzlewood, A (1967). The Formation of Federation and Dissolution in Central Africa.
in African Integration and Disintegration. Case Studies in Economic and Political Union. London: OUP
http://www.oecd.org/dataoecd/2/55/11978664.pdf
http:/www.wfp.org/country_brief/indexcountry.asp?country=716
Mandoza, I (1986). Zimbabwe: The Political Economy of Transition 1980-1986. Dakar: Codesria.
Sichone, O. (2003). Zimbabwe’s Economic Policies 1980-2002. DPMN Bulletin: Volume X, Number 2, April 2003
Townsend, J and Copson, W.R (2005). CRS Report for Congress. Zimbabwe: Current Issues. New York: CRS.
World Book Encyclopedia (2001). Vol 21. Chicago: World Book Inc

Regional Integration in Southern Africa

In response to changing global economic and political trends, the worlds regions are moving towards greater cooperation and integration. African countries, and in particular, Southern African countries are no exception. As in the rest of the world, regional integration has over the years been viewed as an indispensable part of development strategy in Southern Africa (Schiff and Winters 2003: xii). As Soka (2008: 56) notes, “regional integration has been considered as a means to achieve sustainable economic growth and development and to overcome the regions structural problems.”

However, as noted by Van Rooyen (1998:125), “a critical question that has for the past years been at the centre of debate is: What is the best approach for regional integration in Southern Africa?” Is it market integration, regional cooperation or development integration? Which one of these can enhance development of the Southern African region as a whole? As the debate for a relevant regional integration approach rages on in the region, many academicians, politicians and writers seem to be vacillating among the three theories. This paper joins this contested debate and it makes the proposition that development integration approach of regional integration is the most appealing and relevant to Southern African region. This is largely because Southern Africa as a region is meeting numerous challenges and in order to overcome them, there has to be an overarching and a comprehensive approach to regional integration not just one that focuses on trade as an end in itself.

In order to dwell further on these deeper kinds of terrain of regional integration, it may be useful to raise a few critical explanations so as to proceed with some clarity and be able to comprehend better the key issues of regional integration. At the outset, it should be noted that there are three approaches to regional integration. These are market integration, regional cooperation and development integration. According to Van Rooyen (1998:128), market integration “involves the lowering and removal of trade barriers between states in a region in order to increase trade between them.” Market integration therefore sees trade as an engine of economic growth and development. Lee (2003) gives the various forms of market integration, which include Free Trade areas (FTAs), customs union, common markets, economic unions and total economic integration.

Regional cooperation, on the other hand, refers to the execution of joint projects between two or more countries. The basic idea of regional cooperation is that cooperation in one sector of the economy will eventually “spur and necessitate” further cooperation, integration and development between the countries in ‘marriage’ (Van Rooyen 1998:129). The third and final approach to regional integration [which this paper subscribes to] is development integration. According to Van Rooyen (1998:129), “development integration is the response to the shortcomings of the market integration approach.” It is based on the understanding that industrialization must be advanced before market integration is considered. Furthermore, it is multi-dimensional in the sense that it deals with all structures that affect development whether political, social, ecological and economical. It comes from this brief background that development integration is the most appealing and relevant to Southern African countries.

Perhaps mention must be made that any ideal approach to regional integration and development must be “flexible, pragmatic, adaptable and inclusive” (ibid: 126). When one looks at the three theories, one can safely argue that it is only development integration, which largely has these attributes. To say the least, neither market integration nor regional cooperation is appealing and relevant to Southern Africa. This, as already stated in this discussion, is mainly because of the fact that the thrust of market integration is on trade. The fact that market integration sees trade as a catalyst that can have a spill over effect to development should be a major cause for concern in Southern Africa. In fact, this assumption, to say the least, is erroneous. Market integration, of course, can spur economic growth, but it is imperative to note that not all development problems, for example, epidemics such as HIV/AIDS, can be solved through trade. This means that market integration is a necessary evil in the SADC region.

Another problem with market integration is that it was primarily developed with and for industrialized economies such as those in the First World. However, almost all Southern African states (excluding South Africa) are in the Third World or are referred to as developing countries. Many, lack industries and a majority, have a historic reliance on exporting primary products (SADC 2000:16). Market integration cannot thus work in a region where the level of industrialization is distinctly low and at different levels. As Van Rooyen (1998:128) observes, “the potential for successful market integration improves once the members are on the same level of industrial development.” This clearly is not the case with Southern African economies. For instance, Soka (2008:56) notes that “the region’s economy is overwhelmingly dominated by South Africa…which apparently produces 80 per cent of the Southern Africa’s Gross Domestic Product (GDP).”

Market integration is also not appealing to Southern African economies because of the fact that the Southern African economy is similarly structured, in that it produces, consume, import and export essentially similar products (Ciliers 1995:13). Therefore, instead of complementing each other, history has it that, Southern African Countries have ended up competing with each other. This has rendered the chances of market integration almost impossible since there is a minimal amount of trade that happens amongst these countries.

The viability of market integration in Southern Africa is also questionable since for market integration to be successfully implemented there has to be a number of prerequisite conditions that have to be taken into consideration. For example, the region has to be politically stable and the security has to be tight. In addition, macro-economic stability has to be in place. However, when one looks at the Southern African region, a majority of these conditions are not in place. If there are there, then they are very patchy. For example, cases of armed robbery activities and other growing insecurities are the order of the day. Malawi and South Africa are classic examples. Other transnational crimes such as car-hijacking, money laundering, drug and human trafficking, small arms and the influx of refugees from other regions are serious challenges that have beset the region (SADC 2000:24). On macroeconomic stability, the situation of many countries in the region is very disheartening. Many countries suffer from macroeconomic instability and their economies are characterized by high budget deficits, high inflation rates, high interest rates and exchange rate instability that have thwarted trade and foreign investment (ibid). Zimbabwe, in particular, is a case in point.

There are also other factors that have compounded the problem of market integration. For example, geographically, six of the countries in the SADC region are landlocked (SADC 2000:35). These are Botswana, Lesotho, Malawi, Zambia, Zimbabwe and Swaziland. As a consequence, economic integration within the region has proven to be difficult since other transport systems such as roads and railway lines are also poor. Further to the above point, the population size of a majority of countries in the region is very small. As a result, the SADC Human Development report of 2000 notes that, “the cost per capita of providing infrastructure individually is high” (ibid). All these challenges point to the fact that market integration is not relevant and appealing to Southern African region.

However, regional cooperation is not appealing and relevant to the region either. Much as regional cooperation is easily achievable, “it has minimal advantages as compared to development and market integration especially when significant disparities exist among participating countries” (Ciliers 1995:14). Furthermore, the fact that regional cooperation overlooks other serious and growing challenges such as the political environment of other countries makes itself to be more irrelevant and less appealing in the SADC region. Many countries in the region have nascent democracies that need to be nurtured and guided. Moreover, if links between democracy and economic development are anything to go by, then regional cooperation should be greatly discouraged since it undervalues the importance of deep integration. Another shortfall of regional cooperation is that it disregards to a greater extent core issues such as trade in regional markets. The fact that this paper is saying market integration is not appealing in the region, does not necessarily and sufficiently mean that issues that deal with trade have to be completely disposed of. All what this paper is saying is that trade issues have to be properly taken into account in the region and this has to be coupled with other development agendas. To undermine the importance of trade in economic growth and development, it to be totally disingenuous. No any region in the world can develop without the influence of trade.

Development integration is therefore needed in Southern African region since it is the only approach that encompasses all issues that the SADC region is currently facing. These issues range from trade, health, and politics to environment. Millions of people in SADC live in conditions of abject poverty as evidenced by low quality houses, high levels of illiteracy, and high incidences of infant, child and maternal mortality rates (SADC 1998: xiii). The HIV prevalence rates in the region are extremely alarming and many people are dying from the AIDS scourge. For example, Botswana, South Africa, Zimbabwe and Namibia have an average HIV prevalence rate of 24.8 per cent (UNDP 2008:276). It is not only HIV/AIDS that is ravaging many lives, some curable diseases such Tuberculosis and Malaria continue to blight the lives of many people in the region. Furthermore, the Southern African region is characterized by high levels of unemployment (ibid). To clinch it all, the Southern African region is comparatively underdeveloped and is meeting many long and growing challenges.

What is thus needed is an approach that recognizes these challenges and addresses in a pragmatic manner by fighting these challenges on all fronts not by only looking at trade of which has proven to be difficult in the region. Since development integration, theory is human development oriented, then it augurs well for the development of the SADC region. The southern African region should not follow what the industrialized economies are doing in their regional integration efforts by liberalizing their trade anyhow. This can further marginalize the region’s weaker economies. As Van Rooyen (1998:131) succinctly puts it, “the Southern African region should approach regional integration with realism and caution.” This means it should take into consideration the social, political, ecological, and economic realities of the region and focus much on human development not trade per se.

In conclusion, this paper has assessed the three theories of regional integration on their relevance and appeal to the Southern African region. These theories are market integration, regional cooperation and development integration. On the whole, the main message that emerges from this discussion is that development integration approach is relevant and most appealing to Southern Africa. This is so because it addresses the contemporary challenges that the Southern African region is facing and that it is comprehensive.


























REFERENCES
Ciliers, J (1995). The Evolving Security Architecture of Southern Africa. Africa Insight.
Vol. 26. No. 1
Lee, M (2003). The Political Economy of Regionalism in Southern Africa. UCT Press
SADC (1998). SADC Human Development Report: Governance and Human
Development in Southern Africa. Harare: SAPES
SADC (2000). SADC Human Development Report. Challenges and Opportunities for
Regional Integration. Harare: SAPES
Schiff, M and Winters, A (2003). Regional Integration and Development. Oxford: OUP
Soka, M (2008). Building Regional Integration in Southern Africa: South African
Customs Union as a Driving Force in South African Journal of International
Affairs. Vol. 15(1). SAIIA
UNDP (2008). Human Development Report 2007/08. Fighting Climate Change: Human
Solidarity in a Divided World. New York: UNDP
Van Rooyen, C (1998). Regional Integration as a Development Strategy: The Case of
SADC. Africa Insight. Vol. 28. No 3/4

Democracy without Democrats

In 1993, many well-meaning Malawians got blanketed with euphoria and excitement when the winds of political change swept across the country. Tears of joy cascaded down the cheeks of many Malawians as the results of the historic referendum were being announced. With a conviction, Malawians voted for democracy.

Surprisingly, 15 years down the line, it appears some politicians, political parties, including various supporters, still find it hard to completely orient themselves with the tenets of democracy. On the lips of many Malawians, the word democracy exists, but our conduct suggests otherwise.

True, four democratic elections have now been conducted in Malawi and various political parties have been formed. On a broader picture, this is sweet news and encouraging too.

But, if one digs deep to explore on intra-party democracy, one may find out that Malawian political parties are devoid of democracy. And the question begged is: are we really democratic?

A closer look at Malawian political parties, points to large cracks of democracy in Malawi. For example, it is said that democracy tolerates dissent, criticisms and advice. But why do many Malawian politicians struggle to come to terms with this basic principle of democracy?

When Sam Mpasu prophesied doom and offered a word of advice to the United Democratic Front (UDF) party in the run up to the 2009 elections, people in UDF got so infuriated with his remarks that they dismissed him from the position of spokesperson and constructively expelled him from the party. To them, Mpasu’s words of wisdom were seen as rebelling against the chairman of UDF, Dr Bakili Muluzi, who was at that time bent on making his comeback to the political fore.

Come 2009, UDF found itself in the thick of things when the Malawi Electoral Commission (Mec) barred Muluzi from contesting as UDF’s presidential torchbearer. Result? UDF did not field any presidential candidate in the elections; instead, it made a marriage of convenience with the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) to support John Tembo in the elections. Sadly, the alliance saw red as the Democratic Progressive Party claimed a landslide victory. As Mpasu prophesied, UDF now is a party which is heading towards the evening of its existence. Pity!

Just recently, similar cases have reared their ugly faces in the country’s main political parties---the Malawi Congress Party (MCP) and the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).

In MCP, after one brave Ishmael Chafukira lashed out at the leadership of the MCP czar John Tembo in the aftermath of the general elections, he catapulted himself into a legal and political tussle with his party and again he was axed as MCP spokesperson. Very unfortunate! Was Chafukira in the wrong to call for democratic leadership in MCP?

One would ask this question. Why then do Malawian politicians wallow in the veneer of the democratic perfume? Another one would also ask.

Equally deplorable is the recent expulsion from the DPP of the Director of Political affairs, Harry Mkandawire, for his outbursts at the president. If truth be told, this has only bespoken that the DPP too, is neither democratic nor progressive.

It appears therefore that in Malawi, our democracy is struggling to shake off the politics of praise-singing, hero-worshiping and boot-licking to the extent that politicians do not want to accept criticisms and dissenting views.

Undoubtedly, this is why our democracy will always be called into question. Surely, it sounds mockery to hear politicians waxing lyrical about democracy, but surprisingly fail to be in tune with some simple democratic principles.

I think it is high time that politicians tried to practice mature democracy. As Martin Luther King Jnr succinctly put it, “now is the time to make true the promise of democracy.”



The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College

Escom Woes Need Cooperation

The recent article that was carried in one of the local dailies that the Electricity Supply Corporation of Malawi (Escom), has changed its slogan from “Power all day, every day” to “Towards power all day, everyday,” makes for a good reading.
Needless to say, the abandoned slogan did not reflect the reality on the ground. And in fact, it was mockery and utter torture to the minds of many Malawians.
How could Escom boasts of giving out “power all day, every day” when it is common knowledge that there are blackouts everyday, sometimes all day?
It was little wonder that the Consumers Association of Malawi (Cama) took Escom to court for failing to live up to its slogan. Simply put, it was an embarrassing catchphrase for Escom and an inflammatory buzzword for the consumers.
However, that Escom is failing in its mandate to efficiently generate, transmit and distribute electricity, is now well understood.
It is now an established fact that Escom, the country’s second biggest parastatal after ADMARC, is not performing efficiently largely because is swimming in a pool of problems.
As the 2009 Report on the Performance Analysis of Escom clinches it all, Escom now “is one of the loss making parastatals,” and one cannot agree more.
For one thing, Escom has huge debts to settle, a consequence of mismanagement, greed and irresponsibility on the part of Escom workers.
For example, at the time when the Malawi’s sole electricity company is swimming in financial woes, the whole nation got shocked when one of the local papers revealed that Escom had spent a whopping K80 million in organizing a Christmas banquet for its senior workers last year.
Of course there is nothing wrong in organizing a once in a while party for workers who have toiled the whole year, but spending such a huge amount of money especially when the company has got cash flow problems, is both disgusting and scary. In fact, it begs the question; is Escom really cash-strapped?
Of even hard to fathom are media statements coming from Escom’s boss Peterson Zembani that Escom will also hold the same kind of feast this year. What a pity!
Not long ago, Escom proposed a 54 per cent tariff hike to the Malawi Energy Regulatory Authority (Mera) arguing that it was and still is cash-strapped and cash-starved. Is Escom not missing something here?
Surely, one would be tempted to think that Escom is taking Malawians for granted. Another problem, and perhaps the main one, bedeviling Escom, is that of corruption.
Nowadays, it takes a whole year after paying the electricity connection fee for Escom to connect a house with power. Reason? Many Escom workers want applicants to bribe them first before they connect electricity. Often times, they give a pretext that the equipment for planting electricity is out of stock. But one wonders how the equipment is readily available after giving them a dosage of corruption. Very unfortunate!
However, the blame for electricity woes should not squarely be put on Escom. Calling a spade by its name, the government also has a fair share of the blame. How?
Several government’s departments and ministries owe Escom huge debts amounting to billions of Kwachas. It appears these branches of government take Escom for granted since it is also a government company. They thus use electricity willy-nilly without settling the money which is billed to them. So how is Escom going to improve its operations if it is meeting these hurdles? Surely, this should change.
Another problem that has also affected Escom badly is the vandalism and theft of Escom property such as oil from transformers. The implications of these sick conducts on Escom do not need to be overemphasized here.
It is, therefore, important to realize that there is more to Escom’s woes than meets the eye. It is for this reason that there should be cooperation from all quarters, if Escom’s problems are to be brought to a grinding halt. Changing the slogan alone should not be the final step “towards power all day, every day”. I think the change of the slogan should be taken as a point of departure as the name puts itself. Cooperation essentially means the act of working together towards the ending of the perennial power cuts that are affecting the economic development of this country.
However, the government needs to take a leading role. All debts that it owes to Escom must be settled forthwith. At the same time, it should also instill sanity in Escom workers by authorizing all expenditures and prosecuting all alleged cases of corruption and abuse of office.
It is therefore surprising and unfortunate that despite parliament passing the Public Finance Management act in 2003, which spells penalties for the misuse of public money or property for controlling officers, no one has been prosecuted on matters pertaining to the same. To this end, we need the cooperation of the Anti-Corruption Bureau (ACB) and the police to help in instilling fiscal as well as management discipline in Escom.
It should also be down to Escom to make sure that all the monies that the government owes to Escom should be recovered and settled. Escom should also put in place ways of collecting money from government without problems. For example, in this digital era, Escom should have introduced the pre-paid system by yesterday.
Furthermore, all hoodlums who vandalize Escom property should be reported, brought to book and be given stiffer penalties. This, I think, requires the cooperation from the police, judiciary and ordinary Malawians.
Finally, it should be borne in mind that energy is a very important sector for economic growth and development. It is of great importance therefore that we band our heads and work together as a country to promote this sector and create a reliable and a sustainable energy supplier.

Reflecting on Circumcision and HIV/AIDS

Culturally, it is considered a taboo to discuss matters pertaining to sex in public domain. That is understandable. As a Malawian proudly conscious of my culture, this, and for a good reason, is the idea I totally subscribe to.
Surely, norms and values are indispensable to any society. However, when I beg to differ is when the society allows these norms to override all other concerns more especially at the expense of critical issues. For example, it is unfortunate that up to now, there are still communities in Malawi where HIV/AIDS issues are still a taboo.
This problem, it seems, is historical. It was so when first cases of HIV and AIDS were being reported in Malawi in the mid 80s. Malawians never wanted to discuss the causal relationship between sex and HIV/AIDS. Reason? Culturally, it is a taboo to share notes on sex issues. Still it was so when condoms were firstly being advocated as one of the preventive measures of HIV/AIDS. And, for the same reason, it is so with the issue of male circumcision and HIV/AIDS.
For many years now, there has been a growing body of medical and pragmatic evidence that has suggested the link between male circumcision and HIV/AIDS. The convincing evidence testifies that male circumcision reduces the risk of contracting and transmitting HIV—the virus notoriously known to be the cause of AIDS.
A research published in the Journal of Plos Medicine in 2005, suggested that male circumcision reduces HIV infection risk in heterosexual men by 50-60 percent. It further estimated that male circumcision could avert six million HIV infections and three million deaths in sub-Saharan Africa over a period of twenty years.
“There is a tremendous potential for male circumcision to have an effect on the HIV epidemic particularly in sub-Saharan Africa,” Catherine Hanking, Chief Scientific adviser to the United Nations Programme on HIV/AIDS (UNAIDS) and co-author on the study said in the report.
However, it seems evidence of male circumcision as a protective measure against HIV/AIDS dates back to the late 1980s. As I gather, researchers working in Africa and Asia noticed that HIV-prevalence rates “differed dramatically among neighbouring regions and were often lowest in areas where male circumcision was practiced.”
Recently, randomized control trials in South Africa, Kenya and Uganda have confirmed and supported the link between the two. The studies say male circumcision has a promising safety and significant efficacy.
Even pleasing to note is that circumcision has health benefits beyond HIV prevention. Researchers have discovered that male circumcision provides increased protection against the herpes, syphilis and chancroid. It also appears that male circumcision has been recommended for hygienic and sexual reasons. Surely, it seems, there is more to this issue than meets the eye.
However, what is disheartening to note is that the Malawi government has chosen to bury its head in the sand and pay a deaf ear and a blind eye to this overwhelming evidence suggesting the inextricable link between male circumcision and HIV/AIDS.
At the time when the HIV scourge is ravaging the lives of many Malawians, it is very unfortunate that the government is dragging its feet in coming out with a stance on this hotly contested subject.
Sadly, according to a slew of health reports, around 14 per cent of Malawi’s 13 million people are HIV positive with 300 cases being registered every day. What this essentially means is that about 1 million Malawians are living with the virus. So why then is Malawi not adopting male circumcision as one of the preventive measures of HIV/AIDS? One cannot find an answer to this question.
Of course, it is understandable that rolling this into action might require scaling up medical facilities and medical training for effective implementation thereby straining the country’s limited resources, but let’s be more reasonable, we are talking about saving human lives here.
To put the record straight, I am not saying the nation should rush headlong in adopting male circumcision to complement the existing interventions on HIV/AIDS, but surely, the solution does not lie in remaining silent. For, being quiet would only delude those men who are currently circumcised into thinking that they are 100 per cent protected from infection thereby shoving their precious lives to fate. It would be utter foolhardy to think that circumcision is an alternative to using condoms.
Already, other sub-Saharan countries are streets ahead of us in exploring other avenues of combating HIV/AIDS. South Africa, we gather, is developing a policy on male circumcision for HIV prevention while in Kenya, 20,000 men have been circumcised in the past year in a programme called Voluntary Medical Male Circumcision (VMMC). Botswana is also not lagging behind as it is tirelessly training teams to provide the service in all its public hospitals for free.
In Malawi, it’s now that we have heard that there was an HIV and AIDS Research and Best Practices Dissemination Conference held in Lilongwe between 2-3 July this year at Crossroads Hotel, where among other issues that were discussed was about the link between male circumcision and HIV/AIDS.
However, it remains to be seen whether Malawi, like other sub-Saharan countries, will adopt a policy out of the notes obtained at this much-needed conference. Of course, as we told, some private reproductive health institutions including some public hospitals, do conduct male circumcision for medical reasons but a government policy is needed to ensure that the operations are safe, low-cost, legal and option available. The proof of the pudding, says old wisdom, is in the eating.


The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College.

Cracks of African Leadership

I recently listened to a BBC Africa Have Your Say Programme where the topic of discussion was “why do African leaders always want to cling to power?”
This, I guess, was in the wake of unpleasant news that Niger President Mamadou Tandja, had tampered with that country’s constitution to allow him stay longer in office.
Indeed, one of the most serious cracks of leadership in Africa is the greed of African leaders to remain in power forever. But why is this so? One would really be tempted to ask this question.
Usually, African leaders insist on remaining in power because they fear from being held accountable for the political crimes they committed and for the social and economic mess these leaders create when they are in power.
Another problem with African leaders, and perhaps the main one, is that they cannot just bear the thought of parting ways with the life of luxury that goes with the status of the president.
They thus create loopholes and perform all unimaginable maneuverings so that they should not release the lid of power. Often times, they try to find cunning ways of elongating their stay in office.
So, the story of one Mamadou Tandja is not one that can surprise any keen follower of African history. If one can dig deep into the annals of African history, one can find out that Africa has had a litany of power hungry leaders. .
Several presidents—including Blaise Compaore of Burkina Faso, Idriss Deby of Chad, Sam Nujoma of Namibia, Paul Biya of Cameroon and Yoweri Museveni of Uganda—all secured constitutional amendments allowing them to stand for a third term in office.
But others, for instance, former Nigerian President Olusegun Obasanjo and Frederick Chiluba, including our own Bakili Muluzi failed in their third term bids, despite arguing that it was the people who insisted they stay in power to continue the 'good work'. Little wonder, after attaining independence— and to the chagrin of many colonialists— a majority of African leaders turned dictators.
Of even more ridiculous to note is the fact that many of the leaders who clung to the echelons of power were champions of liberation.
Take, for example, the Zimbabwean leader Robert Gabriel Mugabe. He is a classic example of a freedom fighter turned dictator. He has been in office since Zimbabwe attained its independence from Britain in 1980.
Of course, we cannot gainsay the fact that some of these leaders came to power through the barrel of the gun. Libyan leader colonel Muammar Gadaffi and the erstwhile president of Nigeria General Sani Abacha epitomize such kind of leaders.
And Gadaffi too, for good reasons or not, has been in office for quite some time now. Recently, I gather, he was celebrating his forty-years in office and his retirement, it seems, is nowhere in sight.
The list of power hungry leaders can go on and on so long it is in Africa. In Gabon, there was Omar Bongo, the hitherto Africa’s longest serving president. In Uganda, the name Yoweri Museveni cannot be separated with that country and before him, there was also Idi Amin who used to take delight in calling himself “His Excellency, the President for Life.”
Such are African leaders who do not care about the needs of their people, economies and development but only have a one-track mind of self-aggrandizement.
Of course, there are a few exceptions of African leaders who demonstrated that they had the welfare of their people at heart when they gave up power peacefully. One such leader in recent history is Nelson Mandela.
President Mandela of South Africa was a statesman who set a good example for African leaders. He ruled South Africa only for five years despite the constitution giving him the mandate to stay on in office for another term.
Of pleasing to note is also the fact that he turned down several persistent calls from many South Africans who wanted him to continue rulling. This spirit lacks in the minds of many African leaders.
Power hungry African leaders, more often than not, give a flimsy excuse that they are acting on pressure from the public. Many, as President Tandja of Niger, say that they want to continue the economic projects they started. Typical!
True, they do sometimes initiate development projects, but can there not be anyone who can continue those projects through their helping hand? One would also ask this question.
Sadly, and it is a fact, Malawi, has had its fair cracks of leadership. I mean the cancer of bad leadership so to speak.
Kamuzu, to say without fear or favour, was made dictator. He ruled for about three decades and if it were not for some well-meaning Malawians, he could have stayed longer than this. It was the same story with Muluzi when he ascended into office.
He too, true to the fashion of most African leaders, tried every trick available in the book to stick to power. He thus brought the third and open term bills that were both thwarted in parliament.
But, perhaps, Muluzi outflanked his African counterparts because he unabashedly wanted to bounce back into power while he was out of office until the Electoral Commission foiled his plans. Shame!
All these scenarios, I think, point to the fact that African leaders do not like the sound of quitting leadership. Tandja is not the first nor will he be the last to scrap off constitutional limits for presidency.
However, the wisdom that these leaders don’t have is that one good quality of leadership is knowing when to leave. In fact, quitting, as one Malawian journalist said, is leading too. The best leaders of African history never demanded extra time, they bowed out when the ovation was loudest. Our current leaders should tap lessons from people like Mandela.


The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College.This article appeared in the Daily Times of 02 October 2009.

Youths in Politics

The youth, it is said and rightly so, are leaders of tomorrow. It is for this reason that youths need to engage and actively participate in politics for them to be groomed as future leaders.
Surely it does need to call upon deep knowledge to sense the inextricable link between politics and leadership. According to Oxford Advanced Learners Dictionary of Current English, politics refers to ‘the activities involved in getting and using power in public life, and being able to influence decisions that affect a country or a society.’
This means leadership and politics cannot be separated. In Malawi, the youth have since time immemorial participated in politics.
During the one party era, the youth were being used and abused by the MCP to sell party-membership cards to the public. Memories are still fresh how these MCP youths used to clad in red clothes and callously beat up people who did not have the MCP-membership cards.
Then the UDF-led government came in 1994. In what could be billed as a smart move to hoodwink Malawians, youths in the UDF party were given a democratic name called the ‘Young Democrats.’
According to the UDF party, the Young Democrats was a movement within the UDF party made up of youths who were assisting in the day-to-day functions of the party. To them, this movement was completely different from the MCP youth movement. They were wrong.
The young democrats were the anti-thesis of their name. They were being used to commit atrocious acts of brutality to people who had dissenting views from the UDF party.
History judges them harshly as democratic youths who beat up supporters of opposition parties, journalists, and human rights activists. Shame!
President Bingu wa Mutharika was elected under the UDF ticket in 2004. He later ditched the UDF and formed the Democratic Progressive Party (DPP).
In DPP, there are youths. These youths have been christened the ‘DPP Youth Morale.’ Their role, it seems from their name, is nothing but to provide morale to the DPP, if not the president. Pity!
Although the DPP Youth Morale can be safely described as a cut above the rest, the nation should not wallow in the jocundity that all things are rosy.
Let’s be more reasonable here; should these be roles of youths in political parties? Youths, need to practice leadership for them to become tomorrow’s productive leaders. It is of mammoth importance therefore that the youth be trained in leadership positions in various political parties.
They need to be allowed to hold administrative positions in political parties ‘politburos’
Aleke Banda, one of the smartest politicians ever to have graced Malawi, started politics while he was a teenager. Aleke, we gather, started politics in 1953 when he was just 14. Aleke had no part in any political violence nor did he pamper and pander to the whims of Kamuzu.
Aleke grew up in politics and he held several big positions in the MCP and the cabinet in his youth.
In a similar vein, youths need to be given a leadership role in political parties. They need to be allowed to contribute to the drafting of political parties’ manifestos, winning strategies and even parties’ constitutions.
For example, the country is blessed with many youths at secondary and tertiary levels who are endowed with both intelligence and wit and can contribute positively to politics in Malawi.
Of disheartening to note is that these youths have wrongly been taken as perpetrators of violence and cheerleaders of political parties’ kahunas.
Recently, Malawi conducted its fourth multiparty presidential and parliamentary polls. Sadly, not many youths have been elected to go to the august house.
Surely, this does not bode well for the future of this country. As the nation is pushing for equal participation and representation of men and women in politics, we need not neglect the positive role of the youths in politics. Neglecting the youth in politics, is like killing the future of this country.
My take therefore is that youths need to participate in leadership and administrative politics.

***The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College.

On University Students’ Conduct

Unima students in one of their buses.

A story goes of one university of Malawi student who insulted a certain man with his wife, in the streets, only to find the man on an interview panel, two years after the student graduated.
The man, recognizing the student as the one who hurled all sorts of insults at him, reminded the desperate and easily forgetting student of that shameful incident. The end result saw the student being denied the opportunity to attend the interviews. Pity!
For umpteenth times, the general public has bemoaned on the conduct of some of the university of Malawi students especially those from Chancellor College and the Polytechnic.
The conduct of students from these colleges leaves a lot to be desired. When these students are traveling in their school vehicles, they spew all sorts of vitriol at people whom they find on the way.
Of even more horrific to note is the painful fact that these students, who travel in these vehicles, sing all sorts of hymns and dirges using abusive lyrics.
One wonders where on earth these students get both the ingenuity and the temerity of translating sacred songs into abusive language.
The students also have got a tendency—and a wrong one— of looting from shops and other businesses when they are conducting their so-called peaceful demonstrations.
And to cap it all, —and this is really shocking—the students, who travel in these vehicles, brazenly flash their private parts to the public. Very unfortunate!
It is also saddening to note that it’s not only Chancellor College and Polytechnic students who do these shocking behaviours. It seems the conduct has spilled over to some other colleges like Mzuzu University and Bunda College and for sure some other private university.
But the question that looms large in my mind is: Is this a way to go for university students?
Surely, this conduct is not on and has to be brought to a screeching halt. University students should quickly realize that the Malawi society is heavily banking on them as leaders of tomorrow. A university is a coveted place that trains professional men and women who have got something to bring to society.
Teachers, lawyers, doctors, journalists, nurses, agriculturists, to mention but a few, are trained at a university.
For sure, no any teacher, lawyer or doctor worth one’s salt can swear or flash one’s private parts to the public.
How are the students going to be productive leaders if they are not well-mannered at an age when everyone expects them to be?
The whole idea of a university is not only to teach the students classroom knowledge but also to teach them how to behave in society and also equip them with management skills for time, money and a lot more.
The university students need also to be mindful of the fact that other students who are at primary or secondary level look up to them as role models. So, it is disheartening and misleading for those students who are at lower level to see university students have these unfathomable mannerisms.
Sadly, the university students, more often than not, try to justify these uncanny tendencies. They foolishly argue that these mannerisms are a way of unwinding themselves from their slugging studies. Really?
I am double sure that a university being an institution of higher learning is well-equipped with recreational facilities where these students can go and refresh their minds.
Granted, they sometimes want to learn and relax themselves through traveling, but I think they should be doing that in a quiet and respectable manner. After all, most of them are adults and one wonders why they have to be straining their necks outside the windows of their school buses frothing all kinds of four letter words.
University students should realize that some of the people whom they swear, are their prospective employers and once spotted, they might face repercussions of their own misdemeanors
My point therefore is that it is high time that university students took stock of their behaviours and heed to the cry of the public.

Towards the 2010 World Cup

South Africa, they say, is a land of opportunities. Since time immemorial many Malawians have found their way into South Africa in their quest to find jobs and other opportunities.
History says that during the reign of Kamuzu Banda, the South African government recruited thousands of Malawians who worked in the South African mines and homes.
Even today, we still have many Malawians who are living and working in this so-called “land of opportunities”
History also tells us another pleasant story that it was the same South Africa which bankrolled the construction of our capital city, Lilongwe.
Surely, it seems from this background that Malawi has benefited from South Africa as much as it has benefited from us.
Now, South Africa will be hosting the FIFA World Cup in June, next year. This means that 32 football teams, of different countries, from all continents, will be trooping into South Africa.
All football fans from all corners of the world will be following this event with passion.
Indeed, football fanatics from far-flung areas will be coming into South Africa, in droves, to be part of this coveted event.
But, surely not all teams and the passionate fans will be putting themselves up in South Africa. Some, as likely as not, will be leaving in neighbouring countries of South Africa.
So, what has Malawi done to ensure that these opportunities trickle down to Malawi? Good question!
With the fast-fading hope of Malawi qualifying to the world cup, it means our other option is to reap other benefits from this football gala other than making ourselves present. But how are we going to reap other benefits? Another good question!
We need to create pleasant places that can attract football fans from other countries to visit or stay in Malawi when this event will be taking place in South Africa.
We can even persuade one or two football teams to do their final preparations in the country. In a way, this can give us a fair share of forex value.
To this end, we need to have five-star hotels, good roads, good stadiums and more. Malawi should borrow a leaf from other Southern African countries which are leaving no stone unturned in their preparations towards the 2010 World Cup. In fact, they are in the final stages of their preparations.
But, Malawi, it seems, has only done a minimal amount of preparations for this long-awaited event.
Of even more disheartening to note is that the preparations are painfully slower than expected.
By not being mean with the truth, we haven’t done thorough preparations save for the artificial turf at Kamuzu Stadium. To say the least, the few stadiums that we have in the country leave much room to be appreciated.
Some are so dilapidated that one cannot imagine world-class football teams doing preparations in them. The changing rooms are very horrible and awful. The toilets, bathtubs and showers are not in running order.
Even the billboards at our stadiums are very substandard and carry outdated and insipid messages.
When President Bingu wa Mutharika ascended into office in 2004, he promised to construct a state of the art stadium in Lilongwe, but till now the stadium is nowhere in sight.
As for the hotels, they are not enough and many are old and run down that need some renovations. Ironically, these hotels charge exorbitant tariffs that do no mirror with their standards.
On road construction and renovation, the good news is that the current government has shown a strong commitment to renovate and construct roads in the country. But more needs to be done especially through the renovation of strategic roads that lead to several tourist destinations.
In order to attract many tourists, we also need to strengthen the level of security in the country which seems to be loose. The current spate of armed robbery activities and other growing insecurities need to be brought to a screeching halt.
We still have got about nine months to the big event in South Africa and I do strongly feel that there is still time to correct some of these things. It’s not too little, too late!

***The author is a Media for Development student at Chancellor College.

MARSHAL MADISE PROFILE

Marshal Kandodo Madise is a holder of a BA (Media for Development) degree obtained from the University of Malawi and currently works as a Governance Officer at Blantyre Synod Church and Society Programme.

He has got an excellent command of both oral and written communication skills and he also has got a vast knowledge and experience of the Participatory Rural Communication Appraisal (PRCA), which is the new communication research method that utilizes field-based utilization techniques, interviews and group work to generate information for the design of effective communication programmes, materials, media and methods for development. The development courses that Marshal did in this rigorous course of study, gives him a good grasp of development issues such as poverty and inequality, gender, governance and human rights, climate change, HIV/AIDS to mention but a few.

Marshal boasts to have written many development articles that have been published in the country’s leading newspapers. He also does research on various topics and in 2006 and 2011 he worked as a research assistant at Northern Region Water Board in Mzuzu and Pakachere Institute of Health and Development Communication in Blantyre respectively. Currently, He is working with blantyre Synod Health and Development Commission as a Governance Officer under the Church and Society Programme. Marshal also worked on a research paper on how the media in Malawi has helped rural Malawians in understanding climate change issues.

Marshal Madise, 24, hails from Mzimba district, T/A Mtwalo, Madise Village in the northern part of Malawi. He underwent primary school education at various schools in Lilongwe, Dedza, Salima, Mzimba and Mzuzu. He was then selected to go to Katoto Secondary School in Mzuzu where he was later selected to go to the University of Malawi in 2006. Marshal has also attended several workshops and meetings concerning governance, gender, and Hiv/Aids. Marshal also loves working with people, especially rural people and he seems to have an ability to motivate them. He has worked on several projects with villagers in Many districts in Malawi. It is also interesting to note that Marshal is a fluent Tumbuka and Chewa speaker.

Currently Marshal is unmarried and in his leisure time, Marshal loves writing, reading, watching movies and football, listening to music, chatting with friends and he also enjoys traveling and sight seeing. His career objective is that he should be a development communication expert so that he contributes positively to the development of his country, which he loves so much.

CONTACTS
Marshal Kandodo Madise

E-mail: madise07@yahoo.com/marshalmadise@gmail.com
Cell: +265995361882

SPEAKING AND THINKING DEVELOPMENT: CHANCELLOR COLLEGE INTRODUCES MEDIA FOR DEVELOPMENT PROGRAMME

Malawi is one of the poorest countries plagued by seemingly intractable social, economic and environmental problems. With a growing population of about 15 million people, Malawi is grappling in the midst of huge and erratic challenges. Although it seems now that Malawi’s economy is turning the corner, as the economic growth is slightly over 8 per cent, making it the world’s second largest growing economy, poverty in Malawi remains pervasive and millions of Malawians continue to live lives of deprivation and hardship.

There is a need to speak and think development in Malawi. There is a gasping need for development communicators in Malawi to facilitate the process of development so as to assist Malawi to move out from the dudgeon of poverty.

“Development communication refers to the initiative of applying communication to the process of development with the end goal of improving the quality of life of developing societies.”

It is against this background that Chancellor College in 2004 introduced a modern multidisplinary programme called Bachelor of Arts (Media for Development) in an effort to train media workers capable of addressing development issues in Malawi and the entire southern Africa.

Head of Language and Communication Department at Chancellor College, Sydney Kankuzi, who is also the coordinator for the Media for Development programme said the course draws its teaching expertise from the faculties of humanities, social science, education and law.

“Development is a multifaceted concept that crisscrosses all aspects of humanity so much that it tends to be studied from various academic and professional perspectives.” He said.

“The media for Development programme tackles development issues from the perspective of the media. It particularly explores how the media can best be used for critiquing, promoting, and where necessary transforming how various societies perceive development,” Said Kankuzi.

Kankuzi also said that to achieve these tasks the programme employs critical perspectives from various contributing disciplines such as philosophy, sociology, history, music, theatre, film studies, law, anthropology, development studies.

“The media for Development programme is designed to develop creative and critical human beings that are able to use various mediums of communication to highlight all sorts of development issues.”

“Its graduates are equipped with theoretical and practical knowledge and skills in video production, digital film production, radio programme production, media research, media writing and speech, media policy and law, programme and product analysis, evaluation, project planning and management, publishing just to mention a few,” said Kankuzi himself a holder of a masters degree in mass communication from Rhodes University in South Africa.

Quizzed on where the graduates of Media for Development can work, the soft-spoken Kankuzi said the skills that the graduates obtain prepare the prospective graduates to work in media and/or development organizations in various capacities such as media/communication management, media/development communication consultancy, media training, media/development planning, media/development research, media/development advocacy, development journalism and many more.

He further said that the Media for Development graduates are able to create their own jobs.

The Media for Development programme has already produced its first crop of its graduates and the graduates are selling like hot cakes on the labour market.

Malawi's Economic Development History

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world. Poverty in Malawi remains considerably high and pervasive and millions of Malawians continue to live lives of deprivation and hardship. It is important to know at the outset that Malawi is a landlocked country with a few natural resources other than its 15 million people. This means that the prospects and opportunities for economic development in Malawi are limited. However, of surprising to note is that Malawi has managed to sail through and one can narrate a few success stories on Malawi. It seems now that the economy of Malawi has turned the corner. Malawi’s economic growth is slightly over 8 per cent, making it the world’s second fastest growing economy after Qatar and the inflation rate stands at 9.5 per cent as of March this year ( Kandiero 2009:8).

This essay examines the economic history of Malawi from the period the colonial masters lay the economic foundations of Malawi up to the present period. It is important here to appreciate the fact that any attempt to grasp the current economic problems that are dogging Malawi, has to be situated and analysed within the overall history of the country’s economy since independence and even beyond. This is important because, for us to come up with relevant economic policies, we must firstly understand how Malawi arrived at its present situation.

The economic history of Malawi has passed through peaks and troughs of performance and effectiveness since the dawn of colonialism and provides an interesting case history for the Southern African region. The economic history of Malawi dates back to the dark ages of colonialism when Malawi was under the British protectorate. When the missionaries from Britain came to Malawi in the nineteenth century, they saw Malawi’s economic potential but they feared the influence and the invasion of the Portuguese in the east hence they requested the British government to protect Malawi and that was the beginning of colonialism in Malawi. The colonial government had no immediate economic development plans for Malawi and this can be attributed to several factors. First, as already alluded to in the introduction, the geographical position of Malawi posed a serious challenge for economic development and second, it was because of the fact that Malawi lacked natural resources such as minerals and oil. As Chipeta (2004:3) notes, “during the colonial period Malawi, then Nyasaland, had been relegated to a ‘colonial slum’ and it was used as an exporter of cheap migrant labour to other Southern African Counties such South Africa and Rhodesia.”
Another point worth noting is that during this period of colonialism, local industrialization was limited and the cash economy of Malawi depended much on agriculture (Jackson 1965:353). Coffee cultivation was important in the early years of the protectorate rule and then we saw the coming in of other cash crops such as tea, tobacco and cotton. However, as noted by Chipeta (2004:3), “the export of these cash crops was very minimal and they could not have contributed much to the country’s economy.” Further to this point, the colonial government did not put policies and measures for it to modernize agriculture. It should also be noted here that the colonial government faced numerous challenges in its economic administration. First, the two world wars negatively affected the country’s political economic position and second, the labour migration also affected the economy and finally Malawi experienced several disasters such as droughts and famines. All these challenges prevented Malawi to flourish to greatest levels possible. As Lwanda (1992:52) points out that “no dramatic change in the pattern of the economy had taken place up to the independence period in 1964 and the formation of the federation from 1953-1963 further worsened the country’s role as the supplier of cheap migrant labour.”

After the fall of the colonial government and the break of the federation in 1963, Malawi gained her independence from Britain in 1964 with Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda as her first president. Kamuzu’s government inherited a country that was among the poorest in the Africa if not the poorest. Malawi’s only asserts were land and labour both of which were either “ruthlessly exploited for colonial settler benefit or were underdeveloped” (Chipeta 1992:9). The economy depended much on subsistence farming and the country lacked proper communications both internally and externally.

Cognizant of all these challenges, Kamuzu embarked on several initiatives that were aimed at realizing an instant economic growth. Kamuzu believed that neither the capitalist nor the socialist models could be appropriate to Malawi’s economic needs and that Malawi required a unique solution to her development problems (Short 1974:175). What Kamuzu practiced can therefore be described as “a mixed economy approach” (Harrigan 2001:32). In his efforts to spur the economy, Kamuzu made diplomatic relations with any country with which “grounds for common advantage” could be found (Roberts 1970:62). To this effect, he made diplomatic ties with Apartheid South Africa, the white government of Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese in Mozambique despite strong opposition from other African counties. He used to argue that “the geographical position of this country made it impossible to sever all ties whether diplomatic, economic and cultural” (Short 1974:195). Thanks to these diplomatic relations, the South African government sponsored to construct the new capital city in Lilongwe and the Portuguese government in Mozambique assisted in the construction of a railway line from Malawi to Nacala Port in Mozambique. These two major projects assisted Malawi to transform and stimulate economic development in Malawi. Furthermore, it should also be noted that Kamuzu’s government put much emphasis on agriculture as an engine of economic growth and development. Kamuzu believed that agriculture was the potential source of revenue that would eventually lead to the financial autonomy in other sectors of the economy (Chinsinga 2002:25). It is for this reason that the agriculture sector was given preferential treatment at the expense of other sectors of the economy. Kamuzu embarked on several projects to modernize agriculture. Kamuzu used to say that:

…in my view, if we are to develop Nyasaland in the way it should be developed, we must
think in first place in terms of modernizing agriculture, rather than in terms of developing
industries… (Kamuzu, speaking at the end of the Nyasaland Symposium on 28 July
1962 in Blantyre quoted in Jackson 1965:361)

In order to modernize agriculture, Kamuzu established public agricultural cooperations such as ADMARC, which was created in 1969 to help in transforming the agricultural sector.

It should also be appreciated that Kamuzu created a favourable economic climate as evidenced by “the creation of parastatals that were confined to a few key sectors, the introduction of low tariffs, in addition to minimal use of qualitative restrictions on imports in order to discourage uneconomic import substitution” (Kandoole and Phiri 1990:69). Kamuzu also improved transport and communications in the country to enable Malawi’s imports and exports to flow easily. This is evidenced by the construction of the Lakeshore road from the southern region to northern region of Malawi and the construction of a railway line including the construction of other important and strategic state buildings. This healthy economic situation led the country to grow rapidly and statistics of the first half of Kamuzu’s rule were indeed impressive. The real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rose by 5 % annually during the 1969-1973 period and by 6% annually during the 1973-1979 period (Lwanda 1993:138). However, of saddening to note is the painful fact that the economy dwindled from 1980 up to 1994 and this can be attributed to a series of factors. First, there was a drought during the 1980/81 season in several parts of the country and second there was also a deteriorating terms of trade and disruption of Malawi’s external transport routes mainly due to the civil war in Mozambique, which led to the destruction of the railway line to Beira. Another factor worth appreciating is the fact that there was a sharp decline in public investment, which could be attributed to the political climate at that time (Kandoole and Phiri 1990:69). It is important to note here that this was a period of political metamorphosis in the country when the country was changing from dictatorship to democracy. Therefore, during this period Kamuzu lost grip on leadership (Mkandawire 2005:24). However, perhaps, the economy also nosedived because Kamuzu age was quite advanced and this therefore made other members of the ruling class to run the affairs of the state using Kamuzu’s name. Therefore, what was to happen after Kamuzu are was becoming more and more unclear, thus creating uncertainty among investors, donors and other stakeholders. It should also be known that the oil crisis that occurred in 1979 also contributed to the downfall of the economy.

When it became clear that the growth of the economy was becoming lower and more erratic than ever before, the Kamuzu government in consultation with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) formulated a programme for dealing with the structural problems (GOM 2000:15). The programme was supported by a series of Structural Adjustment Loans (SALS) from the World Bank. According to Kandoole and Phiri (1990:69), “the objectives of these programmes were to reduce balance of payments deficit, reduce government fiscal burden, improve financial performance of public enterprises, improve efficiency and resource allocation in agriculture and ensure transport links to coastal ports.”

After the ousting of Kamuzu Banda’s one party regime and with the advent of multiparty democracy in 1993, the new government of UDF with Bakili Muluzi as its president shifted the hub of economic growth and development from agriculture to commerce (Chinsinga 2002:25). The new government of UDF put much emphasis on small–scale businesses and the promotion of the informal sector of the economy. The UDF-led government also put poverty alleviation at the center of its economic and social agenda. There were a number of economic reforms that the UDF-led government put in place in order to realise economic and development. First, there was trade liberalisation and privatisation of many state-owned companies in order to remove inefficiency, Create employment and increase investment (Nkhanda 1999:12). Second, the UDF regime introduced several agricultural programmes such as the Starter Park Programme, drought mitigation programmes like irrigation and the encouragement of non-maize food crops were also advocated (Harrigan 2001:428).

Efforts were also being made to diversify the economy, both by widening the range of agricultural products and by promoting industrial development. On social sector policies, the UDF-led government began to implement several policies such as the introduction of universal primary education in 1994 and the establishment of a social action fund that saw a number of rural projects being constructed. The UDF government also implemented and started numerous poverty reduction documents such as the Vision 2020 document in 1998, the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper in 2002, the Malawi Economic Policy Framework Paper and the much publicized and the hitherto Millennium Development Goals, which were initiated in September 2000. However, of significance to note here is that during this period of democracy from 1994 to around 2000, there was poor economic growth and frequent macroeconomic instability (Mkandawire 2005:24). This was mainly due to massive corruption that was practiced in public offices and other private institutions. There was also lack of fiscal as well as monetary prudence by the UDF government and this negatively affected the country’s economy.

However, when Bingu wa Mutharika replaced Muluzi in 2004, the economy seemed to have turned the corner. Currently, the economy seems to be performing well thanks to the sound economic policies of the current president, Bingu wa Mutharika, who came to power in 2004. There have also been many structural changes in the economy since 2004. Noticeable to mention is the implementation of the targeted fertilizer subsidy that has improved food security at household and national levels in the country. During Mutharika’s reign, the Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU) has rated Malawi as the world’s second fastest growing economy (Mzale 2009:9). Mention must now be made that the country’s economy continues to enjoy major unprecedented economic achievements including single-digit inflation rates, a phenomenal economic growth rate of 9.7% in 2008 and the stability in the exchange rate, largely owing to sustained government fiscal discipline and prudence that has set the foundation for a healthier macroeconomic environment. Due to macroeconomic stability in the economy, in August 2006 Malawi reached the completion point under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (Hipc) initiative, a situation that resulted in a debt relief from the multilateral and Paris Club Creditors who wrote off $2 billion (about K280 billion), thereby enabling government to increase expenditures for development (ibid). It is because of this healthier economic environment that the Bingu wa Mutharika led government has embarked on several economic development initiatives such as the construction of roads, bridges, girls’ hostels and the renovation of old and run down secondary schools, including the much-touted Shire Zambezi Water Way Project, which when completed will ease the transportation of goods and other exports that would bring good economic value.

In conclusion, this paper has offered a plausible and a detailed critical analysis of the economic history of Malawi and has ultimately addressed some among the plenty open questions regarding the economic history of Malawi. A certain editor, Jon Woronoff, of a book published in 1980 called the Historical Dictionary of Malawi, was intrigued with the unusual pattern of development that Malawi follows and this paper has critically addressed some of the intriguing questions that this editor had and it has also looked at the current economic status of this country.