Malawi's Economic Development History

Malawi is one of the poorest countries in the world. Poverty in Malawi remains considerably high and pervasive and millions of Malawians continue to live lives of deprivation and hardship. It is important to know at the outset that Malawi is a landlocked country with a few natural resources other than its 15 million people. This means that the prospects and opportunities for economic development in Malawi are limited. However, of surprising to note is that Malawi has managed to sail through and one can narrate a few success stories on Malawi. It seems now that the economy of Malawi has turned the corner. Malawi’s economic growth is slightly over 8 per cent, making it the world’s second fastest growing economy after Qatar and the inflation rate stands at 9.5 per cent as of March this year ( Kandiero 2009:8).

This essay examines the economic history of Malawi from the period the colonial masters lay the economic foundations of Malawi up to the present period. It is important here to appreciate the fact that any attempt to grasp the current economic problems that are dogging Malawi, has to be situated and analysed within the overall history of the country’s economy since independence and even beyond. This is important because, for us to come up with relevant economic policies, we must firstly understand how Malawi arrived at its present situation.

The economic history of Malawi has passed through peaks and troughs of performance and effectiveness since the dawn of colonialism and provides an interesting case history for the Southern African region. The economic history of Malawi dates back to the dark ages of colonialism when Malawi was under the British protectorate. When the missionaries from Britain came to Malawi in the nineteenth century, they saw Malawi’s economic potential but they feared the influence and the invasion of the Portuguese in the east hence they requested the British government to protect Malawi and that was the beginning of colonialism in Malawi. The colonial government had no immediate economic development plans for Malawi and this can be attributed to several factors. First, as already alluded to in the introduction, the geographical position of Malawi posed a serious challenge for economic development and second, it was because of the fact that Malawi lacked natural resources such as minerals and oil. As Chipeta (2004:3) notes, “during the colonial period Malawi, then Nyasaland, had been relegated to a ‘colonial slum’ and it was used as an exporter of cheap migrant labour to other Southern African Counties such South Africa and Rhodesia.”
Another point worth noting is that during this period of colonialism, local industrialization was limited and the cash economy of Malawi depended much on agriculture (Jackson 1965:353). Coffee cultivation was important in the early years of the protectorate rule and then we saw the coming in of other cash crops such as tea, tobacco and cotton. However, as noted by Chipeta (2004:3), “the export of these cash crops was very minimal and they could not have contributed much to the country’s economy.” Further to this point, the colonial government did not put policies and measures for it to modernize agriculture. It should also be noted here that the colonial government faced numerous challenges in its economic administration. First, the two world wars negatively affected the country’s political economic position and second, the labour migration also affected the economy and finally Malawi experienced several disasters such as droughts and famines. All these challenges prevented Malawi to flourish to greatest levels possible. As Lwanda (1992:52) points out that “no dramatic change in the pattern of the economy had taken place up to the independence period in 1964 and the formation of the federation from 1953-1963 further worsened the country’s role as the supplier of cheap migrant labour.”

After the fall of the colonial government and the break of the federation in 1963, Malawi gained her independence from Britain in 1964 with Dr. Hastings Kamuzu Banda as her first president. Kamuzu’s government inherited a country that was among the poorest in the Africa if not the poorest. Malawi’s only asserts were land and labour both of which were either “ruthlessly exploited for colonial settler benefit or were underdeveloped” (Chipeta 1992:9). The economy depended much on subsistence farming and the country lacked proper communications both internally and externally.

Cognizant of all these challenges, Kamuzu embarked on several initiatives that were aimed at realizing an instant economic growth. Kamuzu believed that neither the capitalist nor the socialist models could be appropriate to Malawi’s economic needs and that Malawi required a unique solution to her development problems (Short 1974:175). What Kamuzu practiced can therefore be described as “a mixed economy approach” (Harrigan 2001:32). In his efforts to spur the economy, Kamuzu made diplomatic relations with any country with which “grounds for common advantage” could be found (Roberts 1970:62). To this effect, he made diplomatic ties with Apartheid South Africa, the white government of Southern Rhodesia and the Portuguese in Mozambique despite strong opposition from other African counties. He used to argue that “the geographical position of this country made it impossible to sever all ties whether diplomatic, economic and cultural” (Short 1974:195). Thanks to these diplomatic relations, the South African government sponsored to construct the new capital city in Lilongwe and the Portuguese government in Mozambique assisted in the construction of a railway line from Malawi to Nacala Port in Mozambique. These two major projects assisted Malawi to transform and stimulate economic development in Malawi. Furthermore, it should also be noted that Kamuzu’s government put much emphasis on agriculture as an engine of economic growth and development. Kamuzu believed that agriculture was the potential source of revenue that would eventually lead to the financial autonomy in other sectors of the economy (Chinsinga 2002:25). It is for this reason that the agriculture sector was given preferential treatment at the expense of other sectors of the economy. Kamuzu embarked on several projects to modernize agriculture. Kamuzu used to say that:

…in my view, if we are to develop Nyasaland in the way it should be developed, we must
think in first place in terms of modernizing agriculture, rather than in terms of developing
industries… (Kamuzu, speaking at the end of the Nyasaland Symposium on 28 July
1962 in Blantyre quoted in Jackson 1965:361)

In order to modernize agriculture, Kamuzu established public agricultural cooperations such as ADMARC, which was created in 1969 to help in transforming the agricultural sector.

It should also be appreciated that Kamuzu created a favourable economic climate as evidenced by “the creation of parastatals that were confined to a few key sectors, the introduction of low tariffs, in addition to minimal use of qualitative restrictions on imports in order to discourage uneconomic import substitution” (Kandoole and Phiri 1990:69). Kamuzu also improved transport and communications in the country to enable Malawi’s imports and exports to flow easily. This is evidenced by the construction of the Lakeshore road from the southern region to northern region of Malawi and the construction of a railway line including the construction of other important and strategic state buildings. This healthy economic situation led the country to grow rapidly and statistics of the first half of Kamuzu’s rule were indeed impressive. The real Gross Domestic Product (GDP) rose by 5 % annually during the 1969-1973 period and by 6% annually during the 1973-1979 period (Lwanda 1993:138). However, of saddening to note is the painful fact that the economy dwindled from 1980 up to 1994 and this can be attributed to a series of factors. First, there was a drought during the 1980/81 season in several parts of the country and second there was also a deteriorating terms of trade and disruption of Malawi’s external transport routes mainly due to the civil war in Mozambique, which led to the destruction of the railway line to Beira. Another factor worth appreciating is the fact that there was a sharp decline in public investment, which could be attributed to the political climate at that time (Kandoole and Phiri 1990:69). It is important to note here that this was a period of political metamorphosis in the country when the country was changing from dictatorship to democracy. Therefore, during this period Kamuzu lost grip on leadership (Mkandawire 2005:24). However, perhaps, the economy also nosedived because Kamuzu age was quite advanced and this therefore made other members of the ruling class to run the affairs of the state using Kamuzu’s name. Therefore, what was to happen after Kamuzu are was becoming more and more unclear, thus creating uncertainty among investors, donors and other stakeholders. It should also be known that the oil crisis that occurred in 1979 also contributed to the downfall of the economy.

When it became clear that the growth of the economy was becoming lower and more erratic than ever before, the Kamuzu government in consultation with the World Bank and the International Monetary Fund (IMF) formulated a programme for dealing with the structural problems (GOM 2000:15). The programme was supported by a series of Structural Adjustment Loans (SALS) from the World Bank. According to Kandoole and Phiri (1990:69), “the objectives of these programmes were to reduce balance of payments deficit, reduce government fiscal burden, improve financial performance of public enterprises, improve efficiency and resource allocation in agriculture and ensure transport links to coastal ports.”

After the ousting of Kamuzu Banda’s one party regime and with the advent of multiparty democracy in 1993, the new government of UDF with Bakili Muluzi as its president shifted the hub of economic growth and development from agriculture to commerce (Chinsinga 2002:25). The new government of UDF put much emphasis on small–scale businesses and the promotion of the informal sector of the economy. The UDF-led government also put poverty alleviation at the center of its economic and social agenda. There were a number of economic reforms that the UDF-led government put in place in order to realise economic and development. First, there was trade liberalisation and privatisation of many state-owned companies in order to remove inefficiency, Create employment and increase investment (Nkhanda 1999:12). Second, the UDF regime introduced several agricultural programmes such as the Starter Park Programme, drought mitigation programmes like irrigation and the encouragement of non-maize food crops were also advocated (Harrigan 2001:428).

Efforts were also being made to diversify the economy, both by widening the range of agricultural products and by promoting industrial development. On social sector policies, the UDF-led government began to implement several policies such as the introduction of universal primary education in 1994 and the establishment of a social action fund that saw a number of rural projects being constructed. The UDF government also implemented and started numerous poverty reduction documents such as the Vision 2020 document in 1998, the Malawi Poverty Reduction Strategy Paper in 2002, the Malawi Economic Policy Framework Paper and the much publicized and the hitherto Millennium Development Goals, which were initiated in September 2000. However, of significance to note here is that during this period of democracy from 1994 to around 2000, there was poor economic growth and frequent macroeconomic instability (Mkandawire 2005:24). This was mainly due to massive corruption that was practiced in public offices and other private institutions. There was also lack of fiscal as well as monetary prudence by the UDF government and this negatively affected the country’s economy.

However, when Bingu wa Mutharika replaced Muluzi in 2004, the economy seemed to have turned the corner. Currently, the economy seems to be performing well thanks to the sound economic policies of the current president, Bingu wa Mutharika, who came to power in 2004. There have also been many structural changes in the economy since 2004. Noticeable to mention is the implementation of the targeted fertilizer subsidy that has improved food security at household and national levels in the country. During Mutharika’s reign, the Economic Intelligence Unit (EIU) has rated Malawi as the world’s second fastest growing economy (Mzale 2009:9). Mention must now be made that the country’s economy continues to enjoy major unprecedented economic achievements including single-digit inflation rates, a phenomenal economic growth rate of 9.7% in 2008 and the stability in the exchange rate, largely owing to sustained government fiscal discipline and prudence that has set the foundation for a healthier macroeconomic environment. Due to macroeconomic stability in the economy, in August 2006 Malawi reached the completion point under the Highly Indebted Poor Countries (Hipc) initiative, a situation that resulted in a debt relief from the multilateral and Paris Club Creditors who wrote off $2 billion (about K280 billion), thereby enabling government to increase expenditures for development (ibid). It is because of this healthier economic environment that the Bingu wa Mutharika led government has embarked on several economic development initiatives such as the construction of roads, bridges, girls’ hostels and the renovation of old and run down secondary schools, including the much-touted Shire Zambezi Water Way Project, which when completed will ease the transportation of goods and other exports that would bring good economic value.

In conclusion, this paper has offered a plausible and a detailed critical analysis of the economic history of Malawi and has ultimately addressed some among the plenty open questions regarding the economic history of Malawi. A certain editor, Jon Woronoff, of a book published in 1980 called the Historical Dictionary of Malawi, was intrigued with the unusual pattern of development that Malawi follows and this paper has critically addressed some of the intriguing questions that this editor had and it has also looked at the current economic status of this country.

The Relevance of Liberation in Development Communication

In his well-known book called the “Pedagogy of the Oppressed” (1970), Paulo Freire offered an important exploration on dialogue and the possibilities for liberatory practice. He introduced an important notion of “banking education” and highlighted the contrasts between educations that treats people as objects rather than subjects, and went on to explore on education as a cultural action. More precisely, Freire introduced the concept of liberation. Freire’s work forms a rich set of reflections about education, particularly informal education and its methods (known as pedagogy), and the ethics of liberation. In theory, Freire’s work encourages communities to participate in the planning and implementation of policies affecting their lives (Manyozo, 2003:1). Freire pedagogy is “dialogic, democratic, situated, research-oriented, active, interactive, affective and participatory” (ibid: 38). These characteristics are employed in development communication. According to Manyozo (quoting Ashcraft and Masileta, 1994), development communication refers to the “initiative of applying communication to the process of development with the end goal of improving the quality of life of developing societies.”

This essay, critically analyses and responds to Paulo Freire’s concept of liberation as presented in chapter one, chapter two and chapter three of the “Pedagogy of the Oppressed.” It also outlines, some of the critical problems in the foundations of Freire’s view on liberation, and suggests ways in which some of his conclusions can better be improved, better supported, or better applied with respect to development communication.

Having looked at his arguments on the concept of liberation as presented in the aforementioned chapters, Freire’s arguments could be summarized in this way; first, in chapter one, Freire introduces the notion of liberation and he offers a justification for a pedagogy of the oppressed and the contradictions between the oppressors and the oppressed. In chapter two, Freire, on one hand, analyses the “banking” concept of education as an instrument of oppression and he gives its presuppositions and a detailed critique. On the other hand, he introduces problem-solving education as an instrument for liberation and he also gives its presuppositions and more importantly, Freire, highlights the teacher-student contradiction. In chapter three, Freire proposes the use of dialogue as a solution to the problems that occur in education. Let us now move to the specific arguments that Paulo Freire proposes in this above-mentioned literature. However, it should be known that the essay would not move into greater detail of these arguments, as the essay is more interested with the basic arguments that Freire puts forward on the concept of liberation.

At the outset, it is important to appreciate the fact that many aspects of Freire’s work have a particular significance in development communication and have struck the right chord with a majority of development communicators. In chapter one, Freire puts forth a pedagogy in which the individual learns to “cultivate his own growth through situations from his daily life that provide useful learning experiences” (Smith, 1997, 2002:1). He mentions several ways in which the oppressed can achieve liberation. To this end, he proposes two distinct and sequential ways the oppressed should undertake. The first, involves becoming conscious of reality that the individual lives as an oppressed (Freire, 1970:3). In his opinion, “this perception is necessary but not sufficient condition for liberation” (ibid). However, this is problematic and there are many points to buttress this argument. At the outset, although Freire, openly admits that sometimes the oppressed might not be able to perceive this reality, he loses sight of the fact that some people might acquire a kind of naive consciousness in which they are aware of their situation but cannot make any effort to change it; they take a conformist stance and consider their situation something normal, even to the point of supporting themselves. Further to this, there might also be a certain group of people who can construct their own reality and liberate themselves from oppression only to go to the opposite extreme of what they were fighting against. The second method involves the oppressed taking an initiative to emancipate themselves from the oppressors (Freire, 1970:5). Freire does not believe that the lived situation consist only of a simple awareness of reality. Instead, he believes that the individual has a historical need to fight the status that dwells within him/her. The efforts of the oppressed become focused and concrete through the type of learning that school really should give them, instead of encouraging them to adapt to their reality, as the oppressors themselves do.

Indeed, in order for people to know that they are underdeveloped and poor, they have to be fully aware in the first place that they are in such situation. This is the reason why Freire talks about conscientisation as the “process of learning to perceive the social, political and economic contradictions and to take action against the oppressive elements of reality” (Freire, 1970:12). Conscientisation can help the poor to know that they are living in penury and through this knowledge; they can be empowered to initiate the process of change. Empowerment increases people’s readiness to mobilise themselves for collective action in order to achieve the objectives of the development effort (Anyaegbunam et al, 1998:11).

However, Freire admits that liberation does not come on a silver platter. Many obstacles prevent the process of liberation. For instance, the oppressors deliberately initiate violence and in the process, they violate the rights of the oppressed (Freire, 1970:6). Furthermore, the oppressors accuse those who oppose them of being disobliging, responsible, depraved and responsible for their own situation, despite the fact that even if these adjectives do sometimes apply, they are really a response to being oppressed and are ultimately the result of exploitation to which these people have been subjected. The situation gets even worse when the oppressed accept this reality and adapt to it without questioning or even attempting to change it. A classic example is when development agencies frequently promote inappropriate solutions that people refuse to adopt because the so-called development projects are not perceived as relevant to their felt needs. This stems mainly from the scantiness of effective methodologies to include the people in the identification and implementation of appropriate development projects that address local ambitions, needs and problems (Manyozo, 2003:40). For instance, the development project may involve encouraging people to be sleeping under mosquitoes’ nets, when what worries the people are rising costs of fertiliser or the broken-down water pumps. In such situations, development agencies mistakenly blame the rural poor for being resistant to change and not having the appropriate altitudes, and values to recognise the usefulness of the development project offered while overlooking the fact that the indigenous people were not granted the opportunity to determine their own destiny. The basic argument here is that “lack of participation creates a mood of passivity and community inertia towards development projects” (Kerr, 1989:470). As Freire (1970:27) simply put it that “attempting to liberate the oppressed without their reflexive participation in the act of liberation is to treat them as objects which must be saved from a burning building.” The essay now looks at Paulo Freire’s arguments as presented in chapter two of the pedagogy of the oppressed.

What Paulo Freire says in chapter two is that currently in education, there is excessive use of lecturing and memorisation, with little analysis of the importance of what is being memorised. Freire describes this situation as one in which the students are seen as containers into which knowledge can be deposited. The teacher is the depositor and the knowledge is that which is deposited on daily basis. This bank concept of education “attempts to transform the minds of individuals so that they will adapt better to actual situations and be dominated by them with greater ease” (Freire, 1970:74). This means that the more passive people are, the more they will adapt, the more their creativity will diminish and their naiveté increase, which creates conditions necessary for the oppressors to emerge as generous benefactors. The pedagogy that Freire proposes is the direct opposite of that described above. It suggests that the individual acquire a love of life through a cultivation of his/her being, by being with the world and not for it- a state that is achieved through liberation. To this end, the world needs an education that ceases to be “alienating and mechanistic” (Smith, 1997, 2002:3).

In this respect, education that liberates the individual has to be a conscious act in which the content is understood and analysed, and it must leave to one side this unidirectional and undemocratic relationship to allow bidirectionality to contribute to the whole education of both parties, since they both have elements to bring to the learning. As noted by Sargis (2008:1),”the goal of liberatory education is to provoke the student to question all-taken-for-granted values, beliefs, norms, ideas, etc. of her experience that are the given presuppositions comprising the dominant social paradigm.” Mention must now be made here that what Freire argues is that people are underdeveloped and poor because there is a wrong method of education called banking education that change agents use. He argues that the banking method of education is detrimental to development because it is non-participatory, authoritarian and non-democratic, and he proposes the use of liberatory education. It is therefore imperative to know that the key term in the concept of liberation is to end poverty and this is so because poverty imprisons people. Therefore, according to Paulo Freire, liberatory education is the key to end poverty.
Indeed, one of the major factors that have slowed human development is the lack of people’s participation in the formulation and implementation of policies and programmes that affect their lives. Unless, people become the protagonists of their own development, no amount of investment or provision of technology will improve standards of living in a sustainable manner (Anyaegbunam et al, 1998:1). The problem, however, is that the oppressed,[in this case the rural and the poor] who are supposed to become active actors in their development, to enable them improve their livelihood, are often beyond easy reach. They are generally illiterate, but they have ideas, knowledge and practices shaped by deep-rooted cultural norms, traditions, experiences and values different from those of development workers. These peculiarities or differences render the task of involving rural people in the planning and implementation of development efforts difficult. To worsen the situation, most of the development workers, who work with the rural people [who are in this case the oppressed], frequently lack the skills, tools, techniques and attributes to understand and involve them in the development process. This problem is caused mainly due to lack of proper communication between the facilitators of the projects and the oppressed, who are the recipients of the projects. All of this leads us to consider another element that is implicit, but not always clear, in relation to the concept of liberation--the issue of dialogue. This is mainly presented in chapter three of the “Pedagogy of the Oppressed”.

Paulo Freire’s critique of the dominant model of education leads to his democratic proposals for problem-solving education where men and women develop their power to perceive critically the way they exist in the world. The point he is invariably trying to make is that education must help to develop critical awareness and it must do so using democratic methods such as dialogue. This means that without dialogue, there is no communication and without communication, there can never be true liberation. Dialogue ensures that the people’s culture, altitudes, capabilities and skills, as well as their views and opinions form a basis for the planning and formulation of effective and relevant development projects and programmes (Anyaegbunam et al, 1998:11). The use of dialogue therefore is an essential key in the process of learning. Freire says that dialogue cannot exist without love, humility, faith and hope. This means that the dialogue established between the two subjects helps to increase reciprocal kindness, something that is an act of bravery, not cowardice. It is not a naïve act, but it is about the kind of dialogue that kindness between people creates.
The above comments particularly apply to development communication. For instance, some people believe themselves to be leaders and go to the masses to establish a dialogue with them. However, it is their interests and not the interests of the community that are pursued. They encourage the people to adapt to a new way of life without attending to historical demands. They fall into a naïve thinking that one should adapt to existing conditions required by critical thought--the kind of thought that builds spaces and opportunities for liberation and the overturning of oppression through conscious action. Therefore, the liberation that the oppressed desire is never really achieved.

However, it is important to establish dialogue with the community. Since this implies the use of a language similar to that with which the individual is familiar, it is necessary to integrate oneself into the life of the individual to study his/her language, practice and thought. Later, using problem solving education, these elements will come together to create knowledge, since it is not necessary to refer to other far away spaces to find opportunities and topics for study. Topics for learning can be found in the reality that surrounds the individual; it is just that they are hidden by the limiting situations that the oppressors create. These limits can disappear through the education that a problem solving facilitator, who “moves from the particular to the general encourages” (Smith, 1997, 2002:6).

However, Freire might have overlooked various open questions in his discussion about liberation. There is in fact a major problem attached to the whole idea of dialogue. A crucial problem here is the question of authority. Freire proposes the use of problem-solving education, which to him, is non-directive and non-authoritarian. However, it must be borne in mind that there is no education that is non-directive. Facilitators still maintain a certain level of authority through the depth and breadth of knowledge of the subject matter. There is no gainsaying the fact that the facilitator still grades, still has certain control over curriculum and to deny these facts of life is to be disingenuous (Macedo and Freire, 1999:47). In this respect, it does not make much sense to completely denounce the traditional method of teaching, which calls for authority over students, but rather its strength must also be recognised, a thing which Freire does not want to come to terms with. This means therefore that Freire was seriously deficient in recognising the strengths of the traditional method of education.
In summary, although a broad chorus of praise echoes a wide range of criticisms on Freire’s theories of education, it should be borne in mind that his theories have a particular significance and provide thought-stimulating insights into the understanding of development communication. First, his emphasis on dialogue, has struck a very strong chord with development communicators. As this essay has discussed, too much education, Paulo Freire argues, involves “banking”—the educator making “deposits” in the educatee. Second, Paulo Freire advocates for action that is informed and linked to certain values. This is important because it can enhance community, build social capital, and lead people to act in ways that make for justice and human flourishing. Development communicators have a long-standing orientation to action and change. Therefore, the emphasis on change in the world by Freire cannot be taken for granted. Third, Freire’s attention to naming the world is of monumental importance to development communicators traditionally work with those who do not have a voice and who are oppressed. An important element of this was his concept of conscientisation—developing consciousness that is understood to have the power to transform reality. Fourth, Paulo Freire’s insistence on situating educational activity in the lived experience of participants can open up a series of possibilities for the way development communicators can approach practice.

In conclusion, this essay has critically analysed and responded to the notion of liberation as presented in chapters one to three of the “Pedagogy of the Oppressed.” The assertion that this essay makes here is that Paulo Freire’s arguments on the concept of liberation are relevant to the understanding and application of development communication.

Muluzi has some wisdom

Guest Opinion, the Nation on Sunday

By Marshal Kandodo Madise

That the UDF chairperson, Dr. Bakili Muluzi, is contemplating retirement, to pave way for new blood in the party is sweet news. It could not have come at the right time than this and in fact, it is long overdue.

To begin with, let us quickly recognize the fact that the campaign period and the elections razzmatazz are now past behind us. Malawians will have to wait for another five solid years to put another government into power. And this is the time that calls for national unity and peace in the country for us to make great strides in development. It is not this time that we need the political bickering that was seen during the meetings of the previous parliament. The political hullabaloo at that time not only created tension in the country but also retarded developments projects that the Bingu-led government was trying to advance at that time. And now that Muluzi, who was one of the politicians who tried to derail government business in the house, is contemplating quitting active politics, then it augurs well for the future of the newly elected parliament.

We should also not overstate the fact that opposition parties, including the once mighty UDF, have fared badly in these elections. UDF now has got seventeen MPs in parliament when it used to have more than one hundred MPs. Shame! One of the reasons of this poor performance might have been that people were tired with the man who was at the helm of this party and they saw him as someone who had nothing to offer to Malawians. Worse still, the way Muluzi threw his allegiance to John Tembo as the torchbearer of the UDF/MCP alliance, instead of choosing someone from the UDF to lead the party in the elections, should also have contributed to the downfall of the party.

Now that Malawians have spoken through the ballot, that they do not need politics at the expense of development, and more importantly that Muluzi has realised that he is not popular with the people as he used to be way back in the 90s and now he wants to leave the mantra to someone, then we cannot help but applaud him for reading the thoughts of Malawians.

Muluzi should know that he is a former president and should be respected as such. In fact, we would have loved if he knew this yesterday. He can borrow a leaf from other erstwhile presidents such as Bill Clinton, Nelson Mandela, Joachim Chissano, just to mention but a few, who are doing a commendable work by rendering several good will services to the people around the world.

It is for this reason that Muluzi’s remarks should not be taken lightly. As a matter of fact, I cannot agree more with Muluzi for showing diplomacy by wasting little time in congratulating Bingu on his landslide victory. Muluzi also deserves a pat on the back for gracing the swearing-in ceremony of the president despite the miserable loss that was inflicted on the UDF/MCP alliance. It is high time that old politicians retired from politics so that they could groom other young people to lead the parties in 2014 elections. Muluzi has started and we expect others to follow suit.




This article first appeared in the Nation on Sunday of 7 June 2009 (Guest Opinion).
The author is a Media for Development Student at Chancellor College.

Action Needed on Climate Change

BY Marshal Madise09:19:29 - 23 July 2008(This article first appeared in the Daily Times)

At a time when the world is grappling with profound problems such as epidemics, wars, skyrocketing food prices and many other problems, climate change is yet another global cause for concern and if left unchecked could send the world into a further abyss of catastrophe. There is overwhelming scientific evidence that says greenhouse gas emissions lead to climate change. Climate change has far-reaching effects on human life and it affects all people in the world regardless of how one uses the US dollar in a day. In simple logic, a subsistence farmer in Nambuma could pay the price of climate change created by someone using an automobile in Arizona, United States of America.Climate change affects temperature, rainfall and water availability, which in turn could lead to drought, floods, storms, hurricanes and many other undesirable consequences. This could have adverse effects on food security, ecosystem and human health that could further lead to malnutrition in under-five children, a majority of these, already dying of Malaria in sub-Saharan African countries. This could inevitably impede on the achievements of the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs).Countries in the Sadc region, Malawi inclusive, have had their fair share of climate change effects. Early this year, there were floods that wrecked havoc in Zambia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique. Here in Malawi, floods that killed four people and left 70,000 homeless reared their ugly faces in the Shire valley early this year. Cases of inadequate rains and severe droughts are the order of the day in some parts of the country.However, the question to think about is, what are we doing as Malawians in fighting climate change? It is disheartening to note that we are not doing enough in fighting climate change despite government commitment to combat climate change.The government in March 2006 came up with a course of action called the National Adaptation Programme for Action (Napa), which strives to address the issue of climate change. The government is also implementing the National Sustainable Renewable Energy Programme (NSREP), which focuses on giving renewable energy sources to rural households. The government also established the four-month national forestry season with the aim of planting more trees in the country.However, what is worrying is that much as the government is putting in place several mechanisms to mitigate climate change, the trend has not yet changed among many Malawians. It seems we have not yet changed the way we produce and use energy despite the efforts on the part of government. Many Malawians are still felling trees for charcoal and fuel wood without replanting them and this has made Malawi to have the highest deforestation rate in the whole Southern African region. Many Malawians are still finding it hard to embrace renewable sources of energy such as solar, wind, biogas, and gel fuel just to mention a few. Nowadays, there are also vehicles that are driven using ethanol instead of oil to avoid carbon gas emissions but Malawi is lagging behind in embracing these state of the art vehicles.The other worrisome development is that our development partners are not giving us much technical as well as financial support to assist us in combating climate change. However, when all is said and done, they are the ones that shoulder the blame on the effects of climate change happening now because they emitted many green house gases during Industrial Revolution. Furthermore, their countries have many cars and industries and this translates into more greenhouse gas emissions. Finally, I want to agree with UNDP’s Human Development Report of 2007/08, which says climate change is a global problem and everyone’s responsibility. Let me also applaud the G8 leaders for showing commitment to fight climate change as demonstrated by the recently occurred summit. Time has come for us to lead a responsible life to create a free-problem environment for future generations. Otherwise, we would be manufacturing a time bomb that could one day have disastrous consequences on the globe.